درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Balancing the strategy of countries against the power of competitors and threats in their operational environment. In the past, the balancing strategy of countries was very simple and based on military means. Today, with the changes that have been made in the nature of power, economic, political and cultural tools have also been proposed in addition to military tools. The change in the nature of power has led to the emergence of soft power alongside hard power, and the surrounding threats of the actors have also changed from hard to mixed. The question is, what is the strategy of the players in the face of the soft and negative threats of competitors based on Islamic discourse? In response to the question, the hypothesis is proposed that passive defense is one of the tools of soft and positive balancing strategy of countries in facing the power and soft and negative threats of competitors. The findings of the research using the qualitative analysis method indicate that the actors in the modern situation are facing emerging threats that are very different from the traditional threats and passive defense is one of the tools to face these threats which has been the attention of the actors for a long time and in the narratives. Islamic and the statements of the supreme leader of the revolution have also received much attention due to Islam's approach to defense against the threats of enemies.

General policies in any country act as a guiding light indicating the path to progress. In Iran, 41 general policies have been formulated and announced from the year 1377 until now. One of the vital among them is the general policies of the resistance economy. Achieving the goals of these policies is subject to precise and targeted planning. One of the crucial aspects of planning in the country is the five-year development plans. The Seventh Five-Year Development Plan for the years 1402-1406 has been approved while more than a decade has passed since the announcement of the general policies of the resistance economy. It is clear that the more crystallized the measures of the resistance economy in the Seventh Development Plan, the less the hope for reduction of Iran's economic challenges. In the second phase statement, the characteristics of an economy in balance with the revolutionary system have been specified. In the revolutionary system, a strong economy is not the goal but an important and effective means without which the goals of the revolutionary system cannot be achieved. A strong economy leads to internal satisfaction of the people and the impenetrability of the revolutionary system, and vice versa. Therefore, the question arises as to ‘What are the characteristics of an economy in balance statement for creating a revolutionary system?’ The second phase statement introduces an independent economy as part of the revolutionary system. To achieve this independent economy, the implementation of the policies of the resistance economy in the second phase statement has been proposed as a solution. Now the important question arises as to ‘Whether the Seventh Development Plan, in its economic dimensions, guarantees the implementation of the policies of the resistance economy to achieve an independent economy as a crucial and determining variable for creating a revolutionary system or not?’ The present study aims to answer this question by exploring the policies of the resistance economy and focusing on the 24 dimensions and chapters of the Seventh Development Plan. Based on the results, the Seventh Development Plan has covered 86% of the expectations of the general policies of the resistance economy and 14% of the points of the general policies of the resistance economy were not included in the Seventh Plan and were not addressed. 

Along with geopolitical reasons lurking beneath the surface of Tehran-Beijing connections, such an odd partnership between an Islamist government and a communist one brings religious-ideological elements to the fore. Iran’s relationship with China is compatible with its dominant ideological-religious doctrine. The paper introduces a new understanding of the Sino-Persian Connections from a religious-ideological prism. ‘How and under what mechanisms has Iran made its Chinese policy compatible with its religious-ideological codes? This is the pivotal question that guides the analytical narrative of the paper. The paper argues that Shia Jurisprudence has specific religious foundations that justify Iran’s policy towards China. It highlights both ‘Principlism’ and ‘Jurisprudence Pragmatism’ through which Iran expands its relations with China. Principlism asserts that the expansion of ties with China does not conflict with the religious principle of rejecting domination by non-Muslim foreigners. That is why Iranian elites do not perceive the expansion of China's influence as a form of new imperialist expansionism that could lead to the domination of a non-Muslim country over a Muslim one. Jurisprudence Pragmatism posits that the rule of expediency in Shia jurisprudence mitigates the conflict between China's policies towards its Muslim population and Iran's proclaimed support for Muslims worldwide. This pragmatism provides a religious justification for maintaining relations with Beijing.