درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Social change and transformation have long been studied by political philosophers and thinkers of social sciences, and a range of classical to modern theories have been presented in the field of "revolution theories". Although Iran`s Islamic Revolution was a unique revolution that had a serious impact on the theorizing of the revolutions, despite the efforts made, the analysis of the Islamic revolution and other divine-human (innate) revolutions still requires theorizing, and also there is a void of native theories based on Islamic principles in this field. Meanwhile, Imam Khomeini`s thought as a theoretician and leader of the Islamic Revolution has a potential for the innate (divine-human) revolution theory. Imam Khomeini (may Allah be pleased with him) explained the revolution and the inner upheaval of man based on the theory of innate and generalize individual's precepts on society, He explained the natural (divine-human) revolutions based on the “Makhmurah” and “Blate” nature and the spiritual and inner transformation of man. This article attempts to extract and analyze the fundamentals and components of the innate theory of revolution from the perspective of Imam Khomeini (RA) based on the foundation's data theorizing method.

The Syrian civil war, which has been labeled as one of the most significant crises in the Middle East, has turned this region into a scene of cooperation and competition among regional and trans-regional powers. The geographical scope of the conflict, the occurrence of extremely severe violence, and the direct and indirect involvement of international actors in operational battlefields have made this crisis one of the unique examples in the last decade. The nature of international phenomena has shown that regional and major powers, in a multilateral framework, are seeking to stabilize the balance of power in the international environment alongside cooperation and competition. The crisis in Syria has shown signs of such relations between Russia and Iran since 2010. Now, the question that arises here, which this article aims to examine and find an answer to within the framework of realism theory, is: "What impact has the Syrian crisis had on increasing political cooperation between Iran and Russia during the years 2010-2017?" Based on this question, the proposed hypothesis is that "the relatively common perspective of Iran and Russia on regional and international developments, although with sometimes differing foundational goals, provided the groundwork for joint cooperation between the two countries in various dimensions, particularly in the political sphere, within the framework of supporting the established government in Syria."

The position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Putin's doctrine of Eurasianism, especially after 2012, has gained considerable importance in Russia's foreign policy. In the light of Putin's Eurasianism discourse, the extensive relations between Iran and Russia in the political, economic, military, security, intelligence and nuclear fields were promoted to the level of two strategic allies. The main question raised in this research is, what was Iran's position in Putin's doctrine of Eurasianism? And what have been the most important influencing variables in the nuclear relations between the two countries? The findings of this research, which was carried out in a descriptive-analytical method and with a historical approach, show that the position of Iran in Putin's doctrine of Eurasianism is important in such a way that without Iran, the said doctrine will face serious problems and many variables will affect the increasing nuclear relations. It has been influential between the two countries, which shows the convergence of the societies and domestic elites between the two countries, the anti-Western foreign policy of the two countries, and the current international conditions resulting from the war between Russia and Ukraine.

The position and relationship between the government and the civil society has always occupied the minds of political thinkers, especially in the modern period. In general, governments assume different roles depending on the application of different approaches. From the point of view of the relationship and the type of influence of the government on the society, there have always been two competing views, which are rooted in the thoughts of two prominent political philosophers: John Locke and Karl Marx. In John Locke's view, the government is a mediating entity, limited and conditional, based on the principle of consent and with the aim of creating peace and public welfare based on the social contract and the right of public rebellion in times of inefficiency and disobedience to the law, and ultimately independent of civil society. And in the view of Karl Marx, the concept of government is based on three different opinions. The government as a means of suppressing the working class, the government as an arbiter or mediator, and finally the government as a function of the changing economic infrastructure, and ultimately relying on classes of society.

In this article, we seek to investigate what cultural invasion is and ways to deal with it in The Supreme leader's thought, emphasizing on media invasion. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the collection of information is done by library-document method. The findings of this research show that The Supreme leader considers the cultural invasion of the West to the foundations of Islamic beliefs and to the corruption and destruction of Islamic societies. To deal with the cultural invasion, he suggests a correct knowledge of the enemy and a rational and logical defense of the right. At the level of media attack, his emphasis is to counter Western cultural and media propaganda through satellite networks and especially Hollywood, and considers the way to counter it to be paying attention to Islamic culture, promoting religious models, and encouraging young artists and believers in the field of art. As a result, the solution to deal with the cultural invasion should be followed by policies in the cultural and media arena, which can be mentioned as follows: creating national self-confidence through the display of the country's authority, unity and security by the responsible institutions, especially the radio and television, showing convergence and solidarity as a prominent cultural characteristic of Iranians, especially against the foreign enemy, high-lighting the commonalities of ethnic identity with Iran's national identity, attention to the Iranian-Islamic style in life according to the emphasis of the Supreme Leader, providing awareness in the field of divisive satellite networks and paying special attention to Iranian art, especially music, which has a high power of attraction among young people.

The current article aims to examine the political foundations that are the main cause of the emergence of the Gothic style and its flow in history. Many critics and thinkers who research the Gothic genre agree that the begin-ning of Gothic literature should be considered the 18th century. Therefore, in this article, the 18th century is con-sidered as the starting point of Gothic. Since the impact and penetration of Gothic as well as its ambiguity and complexity is a more obvious and ponderable literary genre, the focus and emphasis in this article is on Gothic literature, and Gothic literature of the 18th century is considered as the origin of this literary genre. The present speech focuses on Gothic literature and studies the aspects and political factors that played a role in the for-mation of this literature in the middle of the 18th century in order to show the origin of this literary and artistic genre that has lasted for nearly three hundred years. The effective political factors in the emergence of the Goth-ic genre have been manifested in the form of legislation in various fields such as justice, according to a religious trend, policy making in the field of economy with regard to entering the era of modernity and land reforms. Vi-jay Mishra, a contemporary literary critic and theoretician, states in an article titled "Gothic Sublimity" that the explosion of capital in the second half of the 18th century created a literary phenomenon that was later called Gothic. From the very beginning, Gothic has a hint of rebellion and extravagance that disrupts the security of the mind and produces fear and apprehension. Therefore, the desire to read it is related to the feeling of need to specify the historical significance of the Gothic by mentioning the factors influencing it. In fact, following a kind of genealogical approach, the present research seeks to find an origin that did not stop at a specific or certain point in history as a starting point or origin. Rather, it is always developing and moving. And this mobility of the starting point is precisely the secret of the stability and continuity of the Gothic genre over the centuries. Centu-ries that have many essential differences, but have created something stable, progressive and changing from their hearts, which, unlike other literary and artistic genres and styles, has proven to have no time limit: The Gothic genre.

In Iran, all the border areas of the country where the majority of Iranian ethnic groups live are underprivileged and underdeveloped, and ethnic elites are not present in any of the macro and middle administrations, and the diversity of ethnic groups is not viewed as a positive thing and is considered as a threat. The type of security approach to the thinking of radical and ex-tremist groups in the region has caused Sistan and Baluchistan to not have a place in Iran's development basket worthy of the province in the development policies of the country. This article seeks to answer this question by providing a correct analysis based on the institutional approach to political and security damage in Sistan and Baluchistan province. The research method is qualitative and analytical-descriptive. The findings showed that Sistan and Baluchi-stan has not enjoyed a favorable situation in terms of political, economic, and social indicators compared to the neighboring provinces, and in the future, it will cause threats, political and security violence in this province. In recent decades, a number of favorable institutional and governance indicators and relatively favorable economic and social achievements have been realized in Sistan and Baluchistan province. However, with a realistic approach, it should be said that in relation to economic and social indicators, Sistan and Baluchistan province has relatively serious distances from the ideal point, so that the people of these regions and the Sunnis have a sense of experiencing economic, social and political discrimination.

The "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution" that Ayatollah Khamenei, as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, published in 2018 is a document that defines the future strategy of the Is-lamic Republic of Iran; And governments in the Islamic Republic must adjust their policies accord-ingly, foreign policy is no exception to this rule. Ebrahim Raisi's government has tried to adjust its "justice-oriented idealist" foreign policy according to the statement of the second step. One of the characteristics of this "statement" is that it can be found references to internal and external oppor-tunities and threats facing the Islamic system, and by analyzing that text, certain things can be iden-tified. By analyzing the "second step statement" based on the SOWT model, it is possible to deter-mine the opportunities, threats, weaknesses, and strengths, and determine the appropriate strategies for the foreign policy of Ebrahim Raisi's government. Based on the SOWT analytical model, four strategies in the SOWT model, namely SO strategy, ST strategy, WO strategy and WT strategy, are the basis of the analysis. As a result, based on the statement of the second step of the Islamic Revo-lution, four strategies can be designed for the government of Ebrahim Raisi in the period after the 40th anniversary of the Islamic Revolution. First, the Islamic Revolution's "advanced" strategy fo-cusing on internal forces and external opportunities. Second: the "defense" strategy of the Islamic Revolution, looking at internal forces and external threats. Third, the "competitive" strategy of the Islamic Revolution focusing on external opportunities and internal weaknesses. And fourth, the "re-sistance" strategy of the Islamic Revolution, looking at internal weaknesses and external threats.