درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

The main question in this paper is to what extent communal land ownership (CLO) influences the utilization of environmentally friendly resources? To find the answer to this question, this study investigates the relationship between (CLO) and the adoption of environmentally sustainable resources in 12 emerging economies from 1990 to 2019, utilizing a panel data methodology. Findings suggest that (CLO) has a positive impact on promoting green resource utilization in the long term, whereas its short-term effects on green resource consumption are not substantial. Moreover, an immediate increase in GDP exhibits a negative influence, while a long-term rise positively affects the progression of green resource consumption. The Gini coefficient adversely affects the deployment of green resources, and heightened economic uncertainty leads to a reduction in their consumption. To harness the positive effects of (CLO) on green resource utilization, emerging economies should focus on implementing sustainable development education programs (ESD), bolstering green financial inclusivity, expanding poverty alleviation policies, enhancing functional literacy, and augmenting financial diffusion.

Economic sanctions, involving trade restrictions imposed by one country or a group of countries against another, come in various forms, such as tariffs, trade barriers, and import/export restrictions. In recent times, Iran and Russia have become targets of diverse economic sanctions imposed by the Western Bloc. Given that both countries heavily rely on their energy sectors as the bedrock of their economies, this study focuses on assessing the impact of Western sanctions on Iran and Russia's energy industries. Employing the Futurology method (Scenario planning), the research examines the effects of Western sanctions on the energy sectors of Iran and Russia, and explores their respective responses to mitigate these adverse consequences. The findings highlight four potential scenarios for the future of the Iranian and Russian energy sectors, based on two megatrends of sanctions and geopolitical tensions. Among these scenarios, the "Ideal scenario" emerges as the most favorable outcome, while the "Austerity scenario" poses the greatest challenges. Despite the short-term efficacy of these strategies, the study underscores heightened long-term investment risks in both nations. Consequently, foreign investors' participation in the oil and gas sectors of Iran and Russia is expected to decline.

The Arab Uprisings initiated a new phase of security order in the Middle East. In light of these developments, Türkiye is regarded as one of the players who set the stage for shifting its regional stance. Moreover, the Kurds in northern Iraq and Syria were able to express their desire for independence, which led to new geopolitical developments in the North Middle East. In this regard, the attitudes of Turkish politicians toward the Kurds in northern Iraq and Syria demonstrate their different views of the aforementioned Kurdish territories in the years following the beginning of the Arab Uprisings. Now the question here is why the Turkish government behaved differently toward the Kurdish areas of Iraq and Syria both during and after the Arab Uprisings. The Turkish government's divergent actions seem to be caused by two factors: on the one hand, its security concerns regarding the autonomous territories of the Syrian Kurds in the south of Türkiye; and on the other hand, its economic gains from the Kurdish territories of Iraq, including oil concessions. Put simply, the contradictory behavior of Turkish statesmen toward Syrian and Iraqi Kurds in the post-Arab Uprisings is influenced by existential security concerns as well as economic and political interests. This paper aims to use the defensive realism theory to address the double standards of Türkiye towards the Kurds of Iraq and Syria in the post-Arab Uprising era.

Reza Shah's government can also be considered a government based on an ideology. This ideology has different components and at the same time, based on it, various institutions were created during Pahlavi's rule. Accurate knowledge of the Pahlavi government, especially in the era of Reza Shah, is obtained with a correct understanding of this ideology. Therefore, the state of the Pahlavi government is "linked" to this ideology in a very fundamental way. Looking at its situation, the three most important elements in it were considered the main ideological components of the government, which are: "authoritarianism", "monopolism" and "personalization of power". Of course, nationalism and antiquarianism can also be added to these. In this research, the focus is on the political components of the government's ideology. In sum, according to these three components, the ideological characteristic of Reza Shah's government can be considered as "concentration of exclusive personal power". In the meantime, the military institutions, which Reza Shah had placed the main support of his power on, played a very important role in the continuation of the government and the implementation of its ideology. The "police" was one of the most important of these institutions, which was completely at the service of the "person" of Reza Shah, and before and after he reached the throne, he fulfilled his wishes completely. This article seeks to understand the "problem" of the "police" in the ideology of the government with a descriptive and analytical method. And at the same time, its most important findings are that the "police" based on the principle of "concentration of exclusive personal power", was one of the main tools for creating order and suppressing Reza Shah's opponents. The most important result of this research is that the police played a role in establishing the "concentration of exclusive personal power" mostly by "suppressing and censoring the press", "dominating the elections and parliament" and "suppressing the opponents of the king". And this act was exactly based on the ideology of Reza Shah's government.