درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

For over three decades, sanctions have been a consistent feature of United States policy towards Iran. Following the lifting of nuclear-related sanctions under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015 and United Nations Security Council Resolution 2231, in 2018 the United States withdrew from the agreement through Executive Order 13846, reinstating previous sanctions. Consequently, Iran decided to bring its case against the United States before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) based on the 1955 Treaty of Amity. The present article analyzes the ICJ's substantive jurisdiction (Merits) over this case, as well as the political and legal implications of the United States' unilateral sanctions against Iran. The research employs an analytical methodology, utilizing library research and note-taking to collect data. The research findings indicate that the ICJ's opinion is based on the illegality of comprehensive economic sanctions imposed on national security grounds, and that the Court has substantive jurisdiction over this case. Furthermore, the findings reveal that the United States' unilateral and extraterritorial sanctions not only violate Iran's sovereignty, but also infringe upon the human rights of the Iranian people. The United States' sanctions policy aligns with liberal and realist theories of international relations.

The "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution" that Ayatollah Khamenei, as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, published in 2018 is a document that defines the future strategy of the Is-lamic Republic of Iran; And governments in the Islamic Republic must adjust their policies accord-ingly, foreign policy is no exception to this rule. Ebrahim Raisi's government has tried to adjust its "justice-oriented idealist" foreign policy according to the statement of the second step. One of the characteristics of this "statement" is that it can be found references to internal and external oppor-tunities and threats facing the Islamic system, and by analyzing that text, certain things can be iden-tified. By analyzing the "second step statement" based on the SOWT model, it is possible to deter-mine the opportunities, threats, weaknesses, and strengths, and determine the appropriate strategies for the foreign policy of Ebrahim Raisi's government. Based on the SOWT analytical model, four strategies in the SOWT model, namely SO strategy, ST strategy, WO strategy and WT strategy, are the basis of the analysis. As a result, based on the statement of the second step of the Islamic Revo-lution, four strategies can be designed for the government of Ebrahim Raisi in the period after the 40th anniversary of the Islamic Revolution. First, the Islamic Revolution's "advanced" strategy fo-cusing on internal forces and external opportunities. Second: the "defense" strategy of the Islamic Revolution, looking at internal forces and external threats. Third, the "competitive" strategy of the Islamic Revolution focusing on external opportunities and internal weaknesses. And fourth, the "re-sistance" strategy of the Islamic Revolution, looking at internal weaknesses and external threats.

This paper discusses the role of religions and specifically, religious leaders, in peacebuilding. To achieve the purpose, in the first place, the authors shed light on the controversial issue among scholars perceiving religion more commonly as a source of conflict, or rather than  a tool for peacebuilding. Accepting the constructive and productive role of religions in general, and Islam in particular, in peacebuilding, the paper also explores the role of concepts such as forgiveness, patience, and human dignity in peacebuilding. Having applied this conceptual framework, this article studies peacebuilding in post-war Iraq. The findings revealed that the role of religious leaders (Marjaiah), mainly Ayatollah Sistani, has been significant in the process of peacebuilding in Iraq. He has played a crucial role in this process through the revival of human dignity in light of public will, pursuing justice in terms of the Constitution, self-restraint as a basis for political stability and, religionization of forgiveness and tolerance. Data is accumulated through content analysis of Ayatollah Sistani’s speeches and Fatwas.

Humans in today's world are always in a decision-making situation. In this regard, political deci-sions are more sensitive. Today, decision-making has become scientific and various organiza-tions and universities are active in this direction. One of these faculties established in our coun-try is the Faculty of Governance. So, the purpose of this faculty is to train forces for different intellectual and management levels, including policy design and formulation and even policy implementation. Therefore, the author of the current study seeks to discover the impact of the faculty of governance on decision-making developments, especially political decisions. The current research continues with the question of how can the faculty of governance affect the quality of decisions, especially political decisions? Also, according to the SWOT theory, how can the role of this faculty in maximizing or minimizing the quality of these decisions be de-fined and future researched? Also, what achievements can each path seek? In this regard, the faculty of governance is the independent variable of the research. Also, decisions have the role of a dependent variable that can assume two states of maximum quality and minimum quality. In this article, the method of collecting information is in the form of library documents, and the SWOT strategic analysis method is also used for data analysis.

The current article aims to examine the political foundations that are the main cause of the emergence of the Gothic style and its flow in history. Many critics and thinkers who research the Gothic genre agree that the begin-ning of Gothic literature should be considered the 18th century. Therefore, in this article, the 18th century is con-sidered as the starting point of Gothic. Since the impact and penetration of Gothic as well as its ambiguity and complexity is a more obvious and ponderable literary genre, the focus and emphasis in this article is on Gothic literature, and Gothic literature of the 18th century is considered as the origin of this literary genre. The present speech focuses on Gothic literature and studies the aspects and political factors that played a role in the for-mation of this literature in the middle of the 18th century in order to show the origin of this literary and artistic genre that has lasted for nearly three hundred years. The effective political factors in the emergence of the Goth-ic genre have been manifested in the form of legislation in various fields such as justice, according to a religious trend, policy making in the field of economy with regard to entering the era of modernity and land reforms. Vi-jay Mishra, a contemporary literary critic and theoretician, states in an article titled "Gothic Sublimity" that the explosion of capital in the second half of the 18th century created a literary phenomenon that was later called Gothic. From the very beginning, Gothic has a hint of rebellion and extravagance that disrupts the security of the mind and produces fear and apprehension. Therefore, the desire to read it is related to the feeling of need to specify the historical significance of the Gothic by mentioning the factors influencing it. In fact, following a kind of genealogical approach, the present research seeks to find an origin that did not stop at a specific or certain point in history as a starting point or origin. Rather, it is always developing and moving. And this mobility of the starting point is precisely the secret of the stability and continuity of the Gothic genre over the centuries. Centu-ries that have many essential differences, but have created something stable, progressive and changing from their hearts, which, unlike other literary and artistic genres and styles, has proven to have no time limit: The Gothic genre.