Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs (IRFA)

The United States actively engages in various regional orders, here with a particular focus on West Africa. Its approach involves organizing and leveraging relations with regional powers to influence and regulate the regional order. West Africa has gained significance in the international order, attracting the attention of the United States. Nigeria, as a key player in the region, plays a substantial role in Africa and West Africa, establishing a strategic alliance with the United States over several decades. This article explores Nigeria's role in the U.S. security strategy within the West African region. Notably, this topic has received limited attention in international relations literature, particularly within U.S.-Nigeria relations. Scholars have not reached a consensus on the impact and implications of Nigeria's role in U.S. security strategy, specifically in addressing regional insecurities. The central argument posited is that to safeguard its geo-strategic, geo-political, and geo-economic interests, as well as manage strategic rivalries in the region, the United States strategically engages with Nigeria. Nigeria serves as a crucial partner for the U.S. in containing the expansion of other powers in the region. The intersection of two key factors in Nigerian geopolitics—its SEA geopolitics in the Atlantic and its geoeconomic significance due to oil production and other strategic resources—establishes Nigeria as a crucial player in the American regional security strategy. In essence, the article contends that Nigeria's unique geopolitical and geoeconomic attributes contribute to its special position in the U.S. regional security strategy, allowing the United States to maintain influence and counterbalance the activities of other powers in West Africa.

The relationship between Iran and European countries dates back centuries, rooted in a long history of interaction shaped by mutual interests and shifting geopolitical contexts. Given this deep historical background and their unique strategic circumstances, both parties remain vital to one another. The evolving landscape of opportunities and threats in Tehran–Brussels relations has led both Iran and the European Union to consistently reassess their bilateral ties. In this context, Iran and the EU take into account Europe's economic, political, and security capabilities, alongside the broader trajectory of their longstanding relationship. A critical turning point in these relations has been the European Union's strategic shift from a normative approach—grounded in the promotion of values such as human rights and democracy—towards a more security-oriented posture. This transformation has significantly influenced the nature of Iran–EU engagement. This article addresses the central question: Why has the EU's strategy toward Iran shifted between 1993 and 2024? To answer this, the study adopts a comprehensive approach, drawing on the theoretical frameworks of Neorealism and Constructivism. It argues that while the European Union has historically positioned itself as a normative power—basing its external actions on shared European values—external pressures, including the 2008 financial crisis, migration flows, and the rise of right-wing populism, have increasingly pushed the EU toward prioritizing security concerns. The research employs a qualitative methodology to analyze this shift, offering insights into how structural and ideational factors have shaped the EU's evolving stance toward Iran.

Neighborhood policy can be explained by various strategies throughout different eras and actors, important states like China, the European Union (commonly referred to as "neighborhood policy"), Turkey with its "zero tension with neighbors" approach, India under the "Neighborhood First" policy, and Iran, which has developed its own "Neighborhood Policy." Essentially, neighborhood policy is defined as a strategy that prioritizes relationships with neighboring countries within a nation’s foreign policy framework. This article seeks to address a key question: Is Iran's implementation of its neighborhood policy a strategic choice or a short-term necessity stemming from specific challenges, such as sanctions? The hypothesis of this research posits that Iran's adoption of this policy is primarily a functional necessity in response to pressing foreign policy issues. However, it also suggests that this policy could evolve into a long-term strategic framework if it expands into other areas.

This dissertation investigates the impact of the US-China trade war on regional and international cooperation patterns, with a specific focus on Iran-China relations. The ongoing rivalry between the United States and China, the world's two largest economies, extends beyond trade and into geopolitical and diplomatic realms, reshaping alliances and economic strategies across the globe. Among the countries influenced by this global shift, Iran presents a compelling case study due to its ongoing economic isolation from the West, largely driven by US sanctions. This research seeks to explore how the US-China trade war has created opportunities for Iran and China to deepen their bilateral ties and develop alternative cooperation models at both regional and international levels. The importance of this study lies in its ability to shed light on how economic conflicts between superpowers can inadvertently generate strategic opportunities for other states. By analysing the political and economic dynamics between Iran and China in the aftermath of the trade war, this research contributes to a broader understanding of shifting global power structures. The study is guided by the central research question: How has the US-China trade war created opportunities for Iran and China to strengthen regional and international relations and establish new cooperation models? Employing the Hegemonic Stability Theory, it argues that the potential decline in US dominance will catalyse the emergence of new geopolitical alignments, especially in regions where American influence has weakened. The findings reveal that the trade war has indeed acted as a catalyst for strengthened Iran-China relations. Both nations have strategically capitalised on reduced Western engagement to pursue mutual interests, enhance economic cooperation, and position themselves as key actors in a multipolar world. The study concludes that this evolving partnership exemplifies how geopolitical tensions can lead to new patterns of global cooperation, challenging established power hierarchies.  

Despite Iran's unique geostrategic and geoeconomic position and its location on various transit routes, including the North-South Corridor, sufficient attention has not been paid to this extraordinary capacity. Iran's transit capacity is set to expand, bolstering its economic diplomacy with countries around the world. This expansion is expected to lead to increased dependence on economic cooperation with Iran, thereby reducing the nation's vulnerability to sanctions. However, in recent years, the country has experienced a decline in transit volume. While this downturn can be attributed to sanctions and the COVID-19 pandemic, it is also closely linked to external actions and sabotage activities, including terrorist attacks on Iranian soil. This research aims to address the question of the objectives pursued by terrorist groups and other rival actors engaged in competition with Iran along the North-South Corridor. The hypothesis posits that the series of terrorist attacks perpetrated by the Jaish al-Adl group in the southeast of Iran suggests that rival countries are covertly supporting small terrorist organizations to destabilize Iran's transport routes in pursuit of their own interests. These interests include marginalizing Iran in the sphere of commercial corridor competition and strengthening their own positions. These actors pursue their agenda by instigating insecurity within Iran's corridors, ultimately discouraging foreign investors from engaging in projects such as those at the Chabahar port in southeastern Iran. Their operations range from targeted and indiscriminate attacks—affecting civilians and military installations alike—to planting mines, explosive traps, and roadside bombs on critical transportation routes. Such actions serve to portray the southeastern regions of Iran, particularly around Chabahar port, as unsafe, thereby significantly undermining and potentially neutralizing the Islamic Republic of Iran's role in global transit. Consequently, as Iran's competitors enhance their influence by developing robust transport fleets and strengthening their presence in key commercial corridors, it is crucial for policymakers and officials to address the security challenges affecting borders, transport fleets, and foreign trade. If these issues remain unresolved, Iran risks being sidelined in the global arena, as the world will not hesitate to seek alternative transit routes.

After the end of the Cold War between the Soviet Union and the United States and the collapse of the bipolar system, the British government, as a secondary power, sought to revise its foreign policy principles based on the necessities of the 21st century. Especially after the events of September 11, 2001, London officials reviewed the foundations of the country's foreign policy within the framework of a new international order centered on the United States. As a result of the new structure of British foreign policy, the political relations of this country with other international actors underwent changes, such that this issue also impacted the bilateral relations between London and Tehran. This research examines the foundations of British foreign policy as the main pillars of the country's foreign relations in the post-September 11 era. This article analyzes this topic using a descriptive-analytical method based on a foundational approach. The aim of this writing is to answer the main question: "What are the most important foundations of British foreign policy and what effects do they have on Britain's bilateral relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran?" The results of this research indicate that commercial diplomacy, energy security, US-British special relationship, the maintenance of the security and survival of the Zionist regime, and attention to human rights issues with specific perspectives are among the most important foundations and constructs of British foreign policy, each of which has in some way darkened and challenged relations between London and Tehran.

Due to external factors (like sanctions) and internal issues (such as poorly managed privatization and banking), the country's economic performance has been disappointing over the past decade, with economic growth averaging less than 2%, inflation over 20%, and negative 5% fixed capital formation. Consequently, the country now falls into the category of low-income nations in international reports. Additionally, the loss of the golden era of revenues from crude oil sales has increased restrictions on the government's access to programmable financial resources. Therefore, to address these challenges, Iran must reconstruct its trade flows and explore new economic activities, particularly through economic diplomacy with neighboring countries. This effort should also involve defining new areas for economic activities. For this reason, while it is possible to view economic diplomacy through conventional political definitions as a means to enhance a country's standing in the international arena by promoting foreign trade and creating new markets, in our country, economic diplomacy should be regarded primarily as a strategy to navigate the current challenges facing the national economy. Within this context, among other states, Russia is identified as a key partner for enhancing trade. The conclusions of this research identify the most significant trade obstacles between Iran and Russia as follows: A) Inadequate business infrastructure, B) poorly organized foreign trade activities, and C) The complexities of international political economy. Conversely, the principal solutions to enhance trade levels include A) strengthening infrastructure, B) fostering joint investment opportunities rather than solely focusing on exporting goods, C) enhancing the information and marketing sectors, and D) diversifying the range of exported goods.

This research aims to explore the strategic pivot in Iran's foreign policy toward Eastern countries under President Ebrahim Raisi. The study investigates the motivations behind this shift, its implications for Iran's international relations, and the effectiveness of this policy in achieving its intended goals. This article aims to dissect the conceptual underpinnings and theoretical content of Raisi's 'Look to the East' policy, situating it within broader theoretical and political contexts in international relations. The research question is: What are the driving forces behind Iran's increased engagement with Eastern countries under President Raisi, and how effective has this pivot been in enhancing Iran's geopolitical standing and economic stability? This article aims to prove analytically and descriptively the hypothesis that the Raisi administration's shift toward Eastern nations, particularly China and Russia, stems from a combination of economic necessity, geopolitical realignment, and the desire to evade Western sanctions. Findings: The research reveals that Raisi's policy has resulted in deeper economic and military collaborations with Eastern powers. However, while these moves have provided some economic relief and bolstered Iran's regional influence, they also present risks such as over-reliance on Eastern allies and potential geopolitical tensions with Western nations. The Raisi administration is orienting toward the East and establishing extensive ties with China and Russia in the military, economic, and security fields. The purpose of Iran's state is to form a global coalition against the US with Russia, China, and other states that oppose the Western world order.

This article delves into the cultural invasion faced by Islamic society following the Islamic Revolution, focusing on how Western powers have strategically attempted to undermine indigenous cultures through materialism and cultural hegemony. The primary research question of this study is, what factors have contributed to the cultural penetration of Western values in Iran, and how can these influences be resisted in line with the perspectives of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei? The hypothesis suggests that cultural infiltration is not merely a historical issue but a modern tactic used by Western forces to weaken Islamic ideals and revolutionary movements, especially in the post-revolutionary context. Through a content analysis of Ayatollah Khamenei's speeches and writings, the study identifies the key components of cultural resistance, such as the need for a solid intellectual foundation, an in-depth understanding of the enemy's tactics, and an active presence in the digital and cyberspace spheres. The research highlights that these elements are essential for developing an effective strategy against cultural domination. Moreover, the study reveals that public participation and solidarity, while important, are less critical in countering cultural infiltration than a stronger ideological framework and intellectual empowerment. This suggests that the focus should shift towards strengthening the cultural and intellectual defenses of society, with particular attention to the role of education, media, and critical thinking in resisting foreign cultural pressure. The study concludes that in order to safeguard cultural security in Iran, it is imperative to activate public diplomacy, promote cultural assimilation based on resistance, and establish an Iranian-Islamic progress plan that emphasizes self-reliance and the preservation of indigenous cultural values. These strategies are not only crucial for maintaining cultural sovereignty but also for reinforcing the broader ideological and political independence of Iran.

The Middle East has been a region marked by profound transformations, consistently hindering the prospects for a sustainable peace that can symbolize the inclusive participation of various groups in power. Both the United States and Iran have shown a keen interest in this region, especially Iraq. Consequently, both countries have endeavored to establish influence in Iraq. Twenty years after the fall of Saddam Hussein, a suitable opportunity presents itself to evaluate state-building strategies in Iraq. Post-Saddam Iraq has been a stage for various actors involved in the state-building project. This article aims to conduct a comparative scientific evaluation of the strategies employed by Iran and the United States. The central question addressed in this study is how Iran and the United States have approached state-building in post-Saddam Iraq and what outcomes have ensued from their respective actions. Employing a descriptive-analytical methodology, the findings of this study reveal that the United States, disregarding the complexities of Iraqi society and leveraging military force, has pursued a top-down or waterfall approach to state-building, resulting in unforeseen consequences. In contrast, the Islamic Republic of Iran, with a thorough understanding of Iraqi society and strong ties to Shia groups, has successfully implemented a more effective bottom-up or base-diffusion model of state-building. Ultimately, the outcomes of Iran's and the United States' state-building efforts in Iraq are comparatively assessed.

Iran and Saudi Arabia have long competed as two regional powers, striving to expand their influence and safeguard their interests over the past five decades. While this rivalry has largely been non-military and indirect, it has manifested through political, ideological, informational, and economic avenues. The pivotal variable of oil has significantly shaped the competition between these nations. In recent years, a transition towards alternative energy sources has emerged, driven by factors such as dwindling oil reserves, economic inefficiencies, oil price volatility linked to global politics, potential fluctuations in demand, supply security concerns, sustainable economic practices, and environmental issues like global warming and climate change. Both Iran and Saudi Arabia have endeavored to diversify their energy portfolios, moving beyond oil dependency through initiatives like nuclear programs and exploration of other sources. Consequently, the influence of oil on their bilateral relations has evolved, losing some of its historical significance. This study aims to explore the factors that have diminished the importance of oil in shaping the dynamic between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Through the lens of the rentier state theory and scenario-writing method, the research reveals that technological advancements, the involvement of regional and extra-regional actors in West Asia, the impact of non-governmental entities, the shift towards alternative energy sources in the region, and the economic diversification efforts of both nations have collectively reduced the once-central role of oil in their relationship.

The Middle East and North Africa region, known for its distinctive geographical characteristics and limited natural resources, has long faced various environmental challenges. Since 2007, these challenges have intensified and evolved, affecting not only environmental sustainability but also the political, economic, and social dynamics among the countries in the region. It is crucial to analyze how regional nations respond to environmental crises and to explore the consequences for international relations and regional security. This understanding is crucial for comprehending the emerging dynamics in the region and recognizing the necessity of cooperative policy responses to environmental challenges. Accordingly, the central research question is: How have environmental crises affected interstate relations among countries in the Middle East and North Africa between 2007 and 2024? In addressing this question, the hypothesis suggests that environmental crises, by exacerbating conflicts over the exploitation of shared natural resources, threatening stability and security, and creating opportunities for both positive and negative external interventions, have significantly impacted the diplomatic relations of the region's countries. This article employs a quantitative method and an explanatory approach for hypothesis validation.