درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

The relationship between Identity and stability occupies the core of consensus democracy philosophy, as this governance model is designed to ultimately realise stability by addressing societal fragmentation in divided societies. In Iraq, this relationship shapes a complicated trajectory, mainly because the society moved fast from identity politics (transition) to issues politics (post-transition), which turned the consensus democracy itself that succeeded in realising stability in the transition by functioning well in addressing identity-related crises paradoxically into a driver for instability in the post-transition, for its dysfunctionality beyond the identity sphere. This article argues that this dysfunctionality is primarily linked to flaws of Arend Lijphart’s theory of consensus democracy more than problems stemming from the Iraqi context. It reviews and analyses the existing literature on the nexus of identity and stability under consensus democracy, taking Iraq as a case study. As a review article, this research uses the qualitative method; its data are collected from secondary sources. It found that the philosophy of consensus democracy is designed to primarily meet transition demands, which makes rapid societal transformation beyond transition raise bottom-up pressures expressed in new demands that this democracy cannot accommodate, creating a growing gap between the post-transitional social dynamics and the transitional politics, which generates chronic instability. Further research is needed on stabilisation mechanisms in post-transition, as most studies of consensus democracy focus on stability in transition.

This article employs the theoretical framework of the conflict school to examine the role of economic reforms in consolidating neopatrimonialism in Saudi Arabia. The central hypothesis of the article is that the recent initiatives of Mohammed bin Salman, particularly through the Vision 2030 document, aimed at adapting the Saudi political system to internal and external changes, maintaining stability and continuity of the regime, and centralizing power in his hands, have contributed to the consolidation of neopatrimonialism in the country. While these economic and social reforms ostensibly aim to modernize Saudi Arabia's economy and society, they effectively function as tools to reinforce traditional power structures and solidify the dominance of the Al Saud family, particularly Mohammed bin Salman himself. By analyzing available data and recent political-economic trends in Saudi Arabia, the article addresses the question of how economic reforms have contributed to the consolidation of neopatrimonialism and what implications this has for the country's power structure. The findings reveal that these reforms, while creating superficial changes in the economy and society, act as mechanisms to preserve and strengthen the patrimonial system and perpetuate the dominance of the ruling elite.

The complexity of global order is often obscured by the oversimplified representations of international relations, illustrated through political maps. These maps, while seemingly objective, are subjective projections that reflect the ideology of their creators and fail to capture the nuanced dynamics of power and control among states. Such a misrepresentation contributes to a distorted understanding of global dynamics. Meanwhile, the origins of political geography can be traced back to the 18th century, particularly with the establishment of the first school of political geography in Saint-Petersburg, Russia, between 1720 and 1750. Political geography, however, is not entirely homogenic; it encompasses several competing theories regarding the perception of space. It has developed gradually with the changes in perception of space: as an absolute, relative and cognitive space respectively. Recognizing the complexity and evolutionary features of a political map and political geography as whole thus appears to be crucial for understanding global politics.

Malaysia has been a key trading partner with the US and China since its independence. However, the US's imposition of safeguard tariffs has triggered a trade conflict with China, indirectly impacting Malaysia's supply chains and global pricing. This paper aims to explore the implications of the US-China trade war on Malaysia, focusing on the resulting international trade tensions among the involved countries. Using a doctrinal-qualitative approach, the trade policies of these three nations are analysed. With China's investment in Malaysia growing under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the potential for investment diversion from China is high. However, Malaysia faces strong competition from ASEAN countries for this investment relocation, necessitating proactive economic development measures. This paper suggests that Malaysia needs to anticipate the future of multilateral trade with the US and China to effectively navigate these challenges. By addressing these issues, Malaysia can better position itself in the evolving global trade landscape.

Since the beginning, Indonesia’s foreign policy has adhered to the “free-active” principle. Nevertheless, the facts demonstrate that during President Sukarno’s administration, Indonesia’s foreign policy was considered to be leaning left and close to communist countries. During the Suharto era, Indonesia, on the other hand, grew closer to the West, specifically the United States and its allies. The succession of post-Suharto leadership, from Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, and Megawati to Yudhoyono, major countries particularly the United States, continues to influence the pattern of Indonesia’s foreign policy. This pattern of foreign policy appears to have also had an effect on Indonesia’s defence posture and orientation. The question that should be addressed is: to what extent do great powers influence Indonesia’s defence policy during Jokowi administration? In the midst of various issues ranging from the maritime fulcrum, the sink the vessels’ policy, the issue of purchasing Russian-made fighter aircraft, the Sukhoi Su-35, and China’s Belt and Road initiative projects, have triggered reactions from neighbouring countries and major powers. Using a historical explanatory approach, this article argues that Indonesia’s defence strategy has been influenced by great powers since its foundation. Furthermore, despite Jokowi’s efforts to show that Indonesia is an independent and neutral country it remains under the influence of great powers.

Africa is of high significance for both developing and developed nations due to its geopolitical position, economic issues, cultural traditions, and the substantial number of Africans in international organizations and institutions. The Islamic Republic of Iran, driven by revolutionary objectives and national interests, cannot overlook Africa. Generally, In the discourse of the Iranian Islamic revolution, Africa is perceived as an oppressed continent under colonial influence with a significant Muslim population. However, despite being described as having a "strategic position" in Iran's foreign policy by Iranian officials, a closer examination of the peak periods of Iran-Africa interactions reveals that their engagement has remained limited. This paper aims to assess the status of Africa within the overarching foreign policy strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It seeks to address the question of Africa's place in Iran's strategic planning and development programs. It evaluating the content of “development plan” directives and the performance of Iranian governments since 1995 using post-event analysis and trend research methods. The findings indicate that despite Africa's importance; Iranian policymakers have never formulated a coherent strategy for effective presence in Africa. Consequently, Iran's policies in Africa have been more focused on "meta-political" statements, lacking both evaluative and measurable frameworks as well as enforcement guarantees. This study demonstrates that Iran's policies in Africa have been driven by the motivations of ambassadors and the preferences and judgments of executors, with no consistent program pursued to achieve its true goals.

Pak-Iran relations are of great importance for both states. There have been some stumbling blocks in bilateral relations: India-Iran ties, Sectarianism, Jundullah, and the Taliban are all factors that have harmed relations in the post-9/11 era. However, the changing regional dynamics provide for opportunities following the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. This research looks into the factors that did not allow the relationship to grow altogether despite the existing potential in the post-9/11 period. The growing India-Iran ties, their North-South Transport Corridor, and the Indian plan to include Chabahar in it are causing concern in Islamabad. This mistrust needs to be bridged to augment cooperation. Moreover, the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan and the China-Iran comprehensive cooperation agreement are good developments for both Pakistan and Iran to turn the relationship into a closer partnership. The changing dynamics in the region provide opportunities for both the states to adopt.

Following the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 and the establishment of governments based on the people's votes, due to the long-standing religious and cultural ties between the peoples of Iran and Iraq, the ground for Iran's activism in the geopolitics of this country was provided. Iran's regional policy, while observing the principles of good neighborliness and non-interference, has taken a special and strategic view of these developments and has acted in an effort to secure national interests. In this regard, three patterns regarding Iran's activism in Iraq's geopolitics are proposed, which include the pattern of passive activism or non-participation, interactive activism, and activism based on soft power and economic links. Examining these three patterns and the advantages and disadvantages associated with each one, and analysis regarding which pattern will be more likely to provide Iran's national interests are the main topics of this article. Based on the results of this research, Iran can have a unique position in Iraq's geopolitics due to its relative advantages compared to other actors. Based on this, an effective regional policy to deepen the relations between Iran and Iraq, on the one hand, is focused on social relations that are rooted in culture, religion, language and common race, and on the other hand, it is focused on deepening economic relations and establishing mutual dependence. 

The Indo-Pacific region has become increasingly central to global politics, reflecting significant shifts in geopolitical dynamics. This paper investigates the evolving relationship between India and Iran, focusing on their strategic ambitions and the broader geopolitical implications within the Indo-Pacific context. Key attention in the study has been given to the strategic importance of Chabahar Port, which serves as India's crucial gateway to Afghanistan and Central Asia, enhancing its connectivity and influence in the region. Additionally, the paper explores India's participation in emerging alliances, analyzing both the challenges and opportunities these partnerships present. The study has incorporateed SPSS regression analysis, examining the factors influencing India's strategic decisions and the impact of its alliances on regional stability and prosperity. By employing this statistical approach, the paper quantitatively assesses the correlations between various geopolitical and economic variables, offering a nuanced understanding of India's strategic posture with Iran in the Indo-Pacific region.

The African continent has, to date, been mostly perceived as a “marginalized” geographical or geopolitical foundation and is represented in international relations (IR) so narrowly in the definitions provided by classical geopolitical knowledge or hegemonic knowledge of international relations. Nevertheless, efforts must be made by intellectual and practical elites worldwide for a more realistic representation of the opportunities and potentials of this continent by relying on conceptual-theoretical formulations. To address the main question of the relationship between Africa's geopolitical position and its conceptual and theoretical representation within the discipline of International Relations. The author suggests examining the pathology of conceptual-theoretical formulations in International Relations (IR) and Geopolitics.  this requires a new reading of critical geopolitics drawn on the works of Andrew Linklater, which can provide more basic explanatory ideas with the critique of epistemological foundationalism, state-centrism, narrative-based approach, and nature of the disciplines. This paper is a theoretical research that proposes a new conceptual framework. It adopts an explanatory-critical analytical method to explain the theoretical approach of global critical geopolitics. The results of the paper emphasize that the theories and texts of IR and Geopolitics must be reviewed and reformulated with innovative evaluations centered on the position and role of Africa in the international history of the world. It highlights the importance of considering the distinct lived experiences of the continent which can serve as a basis for developing a methodological, epistemological, and ontological research program for participation in global politics and non-western international relations.