consensus

Background: Each of ethical dimensions of leadership which influence employee behavior and organizational trends has a unique importance. Hence, in this research, we aim at studying the characteristics of leaders as potential predictors of an ethical leaderchr('39')s behavior. Method: The present study was descriptive and a correlational one. The total statistical population of this research was 660 managers of industrial centers and production centers of industrial towns in Hamadan, of which, using simple random sampling based on the Morgan table, the sample size of 248 people were selected. For collecting data, two standard questionnaires of personality traits and ethical leadership were used. And the proposed model was analyzed using structural equation modeling with Smart PLS 2 software. Results: The results of the research showed that the relationships between conscientiousness and agreeableness variables with ethical leadership were meaningful and positive. And the relationship between neuroticism and ethical leadership is significant, but this is a negative one. And the relationship between extraversion and openness with ethical leadership is not meaningful. Also, the results of structural equation modeling indicated that using conscientiousness, agreeableness, and neuroticism, 67%, 45%, and -47% of ethical leadership can be predicted, respectively. Conclusion: Based on the findings of the present study, by identifying and determining practical measures related to those personality characteristics of the leader which are in tandem with the ethical behavior of the leaders, it is possible to identify and select the potential ethical leaders to improve the performance of the organizations. Organizations can also choose leaders who are more likely to behave fairly, share power, and clarify roles based on employee personality abilities. The selection and development of managers who have ethical behavior is very important, because ethical misconduct can be costly and damaging to the reputation of leaders and organizations.

The soft war to weaken the intellectual and cultural circles ruling the society and the instability of the socio-political system has a broad scope against Iran, and the role of the soft war officers is essential. Accordingly, with the descriptive-analytical method and qualitative approach, the present study has a development-applied aim to formulate the soft war officers’ position in advancing the goals of the revolution’s second phase. The study's statistical population includes experts and thinkers in the Islamic Revolution, and the sample size has been done through purposeful sampling (judgmental). Based on interviews with the elites, there are 31 components to the soft warfare officers’ role in advancing the goals of the revolution’s second phase. The most common consensus is acceptance of the Vilayat and defence of it (2 scores), formulation of budget deficit strategies (1.98 scores), establishing a think tank to formulate an operational plan of the "We Can" discourse in society (1.97 scores), demanding from officials regarding anti-corruption (1.96 scores), demanding from officials regarding justice spread (1.95 scores), formulation of strategies for improving people's livelihoods, increasing the value of the national currency and improving the purchasing power of the people (1.94 scores).

The relationship between Identity and stability occupies the core of consensus democracy philosophy, as this governance model is designed to ultimately realise stability by addressing societal fragmentation in divided societies. In Iraq, this relationship shapes a complicated trajectory, mainly because the society moved fast from identity politics (transition) to issues politics (post-transition), which turned the consensus democracy itself that succeeded in realising stability in the transition by functioning well in addressing identity-related crises paradoxically into a driver for instability in the post-transition, for its dysfunctionality beyond the identity sphere. This article argues that this dysfunctionality is primarily linked to flaws of Arend Lijphart’s theory of consensus democracy more than problems stemming from the Iraqi context. It reviews and analyses the existing literature on the nexus of identity and stability under consensus democracy, taking Iraq as a case study. As a review article, this research uses the qualitative method; its data are collected from secondary sources. It found that the philosophy of consensus democracy is designed to primarily meet transition demands, which makes rapid societal transformation beyond transition raise bottom-up pressures expressed in new demands that this democracy cannot accommodate, creating a growing gap between the post-transitional social dynamics and the transitional politics, which generates chronic instability. Further research is needed on stabilisation mechanisms in post-transition, as most studies of consensus democracy focus on stability in transition.