مطالب

Following the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 and the establishment of governments based on the people's votes, due to the long-standing religious and cultural ties between the peoples of Iran and Iraq, the ground for Iran's activism in the geopolitics of this country was provided. Iran's regional policy, while observing the principles of good neighborliness and non-interference, has taken a special and strategic view of these developments and has acted in an effort to secure national interests. In this regard, three patterns regarding Iran's activism in Iraq's geopolitics are proposed, which include the pattern of passive activism or non-participation, interactive activism, and activism based on soft power and economic links. Examining these three patterns and the advantages and disadvantages associated with each one, and analysis regarding which pattern will be more likely to provide Iran's national interests are the main topics of this article. Based on the results of this research, Iran can have a unique position in Iraq's geopolitics due to its relative advantages compared to other actors. Based on this, an effective regional policy to deepen the relations between Iran and Iraq, on the one hand, is focused on social relations that are rooted in culture, religion, language and common race, and on the other hand, it is focused on deepening economic relations and establishing mutual dependence. 

Africa is of high significance for both developing and developed nations due to its geopolitical position, economic issues, cultural traditions, and the substantial number of Africans in international organizations and institutions. The Islamic Republic of Iran, driven by revolutionary objectives and national interests, cannot overlook Africa. Generally, In the discourse of the Iranian Islamic revolution, Africa is perceived as an oppressed continent under colonial influence with a significant Muslim population. However, despite being described as having a "strategic position" in Iran's foreign policy by Iranian officials, a closer examination of the peak periods of Iran-Africa interactions reveals that their engagement has remained limited. This paper aims to assess the status of Africa within the overarching foreign policy strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It seeks to address the question of Africa's place in Iran's strategic planning and development programs. It evaluating the content of “development plan” directives and the performance of Iranian governments since 1995 using post-event analysis and trend research methods. The findings indicate that despite Africa's importance; Iranian policymakers have never formulated a coherent strategy for effective presence in Africa. Consequently, Iran's policies in Africa have been more focused on "meta-political" statements, lacking both evaluative and measurable frameworks as well as enforcement guarantees. This study demonstrates that Iran's policies in Africa have been driven by the motivations of ambassadors and the preferences and judgments of executors, with no consistent program pursued to achieve its true goals.

The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) is a ground-breaking free trade agreement that encompasses fifteen Asia-Pacific nations, including significant economies such as China, Japan, South Korea, and Australia. The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which was signed in 2020, is one of the most significant free trade agreements in the world. It is comprised of 15 nations, including the ASEAN countries. The primary objective of the paper is to investigate the RCEP as a geopolitical strategy, examining its formation and significance, as well as elucidate on the issues and challenges associated with its implementation in order to effectively promote global trade and regional stability. This article also examines the strategic benefits that are crucial to RCEP member’s interests and the motivations that underlie their participation. The paper employs a doctrinal legal approach to analyse the strategic significance, implications, and formulation of the RCEP. The results indicate that the RCEP substantially improves regional economic integration, reduces economic dependencies, and decreases susceptibility to external trade conflicts. China’s leadership in RCEP, which establishes it as a central participant in regional trade and counters Western influence, supports the Belt and Road Initiative. The agreement enhances intra-regional trade, reduces Western leverage, and cultivates a collaborative framework that transforms the geopolitical landscape of the Asia-Pacific region.

As a developing Southeast Asian state, Malaysia actively engages in Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs), such as ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), and ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA), to pursue economic and geopolitical goals. However, these agreements present challenges due to legal complexities, geopolitical dynamics, and economic consequences. This research explores  As a developing Southeast Asian state, Malaysia actively engages in Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs), such as ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), and ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA), to pursue economic and geopolitical goals. However, these agreements present challenges due to legal complexities, geopolitical dynamics, and economic consequences. This research explores Malaysia's strategic involvement in RTAs, focusing on their development, legal frameworks, geopolitical implications, and economic impacts. This study utilizes a doctrinal legal research methodology to analyze primary and secondary sources, including legal documents, treaties, and scholarly publications, with the goal of uncovering significant themes, recurring patterns, and deeper insights. The findings indicate that although Malaysia participates in regional trade agreements (RTAs) to bolster economic resilience and foster regional integration, their effective management is challenged by constantly evolving geopolitical dynamics and uncertainties. This study contributes to ongoing discussions on regionalism and multilateralism within the global trade system.

Purpose- This study examined the effects of non-revenue water (NRW) on organisation running costs and customer satisfaction. The intention was to describe the NRW's effects on the MUWASA's performance as a case study. Specifically, it identified factors prompting non-revenue water; described the NRW effects on organisation running costs; and examined the level of customer satisfaction towards service provision.Design/methodology/approach- A purposive sampling technique was used to pick respondents for the household survey and key informant interview. The study included 100 respondents (70 connected customers and 30 employees of the authority). MUWASA serves 5 zones of the municipality; therefore, the study obtained 70 connected customers from the five zones of the authority. The household survey and the key informant interviews (KII) were the main data collection methods, the survey technique was used to collect data from 100 respondents and seven were involved in key informant interviews.  Descriptive and inferential statistics and content analysis were used in data analysis.Findings- The findings have indicated that NRW affects the water utility revenue collection, and organisation running costs, which jeopardizes customer satisfaction with the organizational service delivery. Originality/value- Based on the National Water Policy of 2002 which aims at achieving sustainable, effective, and efficient development and management of Water Supply and Sanitation one of its objectives is to create an enabling environment and appropriate incentives for the delivery of reliable, sustainable, and affordable water supply and sanitation services. Therefore, the findings of this study are a catalyst for the improvement of the set policy objectives and enhance interventions where necessary.