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Every scientific discipline requires a philosophical explanation. This means that it must address several fundamental questions, as follows: What is the nature of the discipline? What does it study? In other words, what is its subject matter? And to what extent is it real, tangible, and researchable—whether objective or subjective, apparent, hidden, or virtual? Why should the discipline exist? What are its existential and ontological necessities? How distinct and unique is its epistemological domain? To what extent does it overlap or intertwine with other scientific disciplines? What are the points of convergence and divergence with other fields? How real or constructed are the phenomena it examines? What is the ultimate goal of the discipline? What cognitive or practical human needs does it fulfill? How should the subject of the discipline be studied? What philosophical and cognitive methodologies, as well as research methods and techniques, are (or can be) used in this process? What is the epistemological validity of these methods? A comprehensive and reasoned response to these questions effectively shapes the theoretical framework and scientific philosophy of the discipline in question. Since geography has long been recognized as one of humanity's cognitive and epistemological domains, its philosophical explanation is essential.

The complexity of global order is often obscured by the oversimplified representations of international relations, illustrated through political maps. These maps, while seemingly objective, are subjective projections that reflect the ideology of their creators and fail to capture the nuanced dynamics of power and control among states. Such a misrepresentation contributes to a distorted understanding of global dynamics. Meanwhile, the origins of political geography can be traced back to the 18th century, particularly with the establishment of the first school of political geography in Saint-Petersburg, Russia, between 1720 and 1750. Political geography, however, is not entirely homogenic; it encompasses several competing theories regarding the perception of space. It has developed gradually with the changes in perception of space: as an absolute, relative and cognitive space respectively. Recognizing the complexity and evolutionary features of a political map and political geography as whole thus appears to be crucial for understanding global politics.

One of the most significant breakthroughs in technology is the evolution of computing sciences and cybernetics. This development has had a global impact, with the widespread use of computer sciences leading to worldwide issues. In the third wave, time and place have become intertwined, eliminating the effects of distance and creating a new version of space. These characteristics have transformed the geography of virtual space into the geopolitics of virtual space. The findings of this analytical article, conducted using a library method and the strategy of cyberspace geography studies, suggest that the geography of virtual space is an emerging academic topic. When the geography of cyberspace addresses inequality in cyberspace security, it becomes a geopolitical issue. The paper explores how cybernetics is changing traditional notions of power, sovereignty, and conflict. The research also considers the implications of emerging technologies on global governance, the balance of power, and the potential for new forms of cyber-hegemony, concluding with recommendations for future policy and strategic considerations in this rapidly evolving field.

The purpose of this paper is to explain the nature of Russia's competitive pattern with Western countries in Africa. It seems that Russia has taken advantage of the “Politics of memory strategy “to expand its influence and to weaken the position of Western countries in Africa. This paper tends to explain why and how the Russian authorities have adopted this behavior to compete with European countries in this continent? The hypothesis is that Russia tries to represent the experience of colonialism to revive the memory of anti-colonialism, through "narratives" using the "genealogy method”. By using the qualitative analysis method, the authors try to prove the research hypotheses. This research covers the African continent between 2019 and 2023, although due to the nature of the research, the Cold War period have also been examined.     

This study aims to investigate Saudi Arabia’s quest for regional hegemony, including its objectives, initiatives, and difficulties. In other words, the degree to which Saudi Arabia has been successful in establishing itself as the region’s dominant power. It is crucial to thoroughly explain Saudi Arabia’s psychological and practical justifications for pursuing regional hegemony in this context. To examine the political discourses, reality, narratives, ambitions, and perspectives of Saudi Arabia and compare these with other regional powers in this area, as well as to highlight a number of context-specific constraints on Saudi Arabia’s aspirations for regional hegemony, is the goal of the research. In addition, it intends to investigate how external powers such as the United States, China, Russia, the European Union, and Turkey influence Middle Eastern regional dynamics based on their own vested interests. This analysis demonstrates that Saudi Arabia’s drive for regional hegemony is mostly restrained by external causes. First, despite its preeminent economic power, the country lacks strong military capabilities to provide a security shield for its friends in this region. Second, the sectarian politics and undiversified economy of the region make it unlikely that secondary nations will receive full public goods. Third, low economic integration, the perception of a common regional threat, the absence of a broad free trade arrangement, the superiority of hard power over soft power, and a lack of mutual trust among regional countries are significantly diminishing the acceptance of Saudi Arabia’s hegemonic role in the region. However, Saudi Arabia is deliberately involving regional partners and coalitions in regional growth. The country takes on the main task for reshaping the Middle East’s economy and elevating this region to success. If Saudi Arabia is successful in fostering regional integration, offering a security shield, encouraging trust building, and collaborating with other states in this region to address shared regional threats, it will have a greater chance than the majority of other states in the region to become the regional hegemon. 

Latin America has witnessed radical transformations for the first time since the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. The most important features of the transformations revolve around the orientations of India’s policies. The most important of these differences is the abandonment by most of these countries of the centrality of the ideology of hostility to Western imperialism, and the adoption of an approach based on reforming the global system to serve their interests, and a pragmatism supporting multilateralism (as opposed to non-alignment) to confront multidimensional threats, through multilateralism and building coalitions across ideology, in addition to strategic hedging and resistance to joining alliances under the umbrella of the great powers. This new global environment, and the rise of the influence of the major powers in the global south and their efforts to promote their national interests as a strategic priority, created geopolitical, economic and value complexities for India, which produced an approach to its orientations to compete towards the Latin continent.

The relationship between Identity and stability occupies the core of consensus democracy philosophy, as this governance model is designed to ultimately realise stability by addressing societal fragmentation in divided societies. In Iraq, this relationship shapes a complicated trajectory, mainly because the society moved fast from identity politics (transition) to issues politics (post-transition), which turned the consensus democracy itself that succeeded in realising stability in the transition by functioning well in addressing identity-related crises paradoxically into a driver for instability in the post-transition, for its dysfunctionality beyond the identity sphere. This article argues that this dysfunctionality is primarily linked to flaws of Arend Lijphart’s theory of consensus democracy more than problems stemming from the Iraqi context. It reviews and analyses the existing literature on the nexus of identity and stability under consensus democracy, taking Iraq as a case study. As a review article, this research uses the qualitative method; its data are collected from secondary sources. It found that the philosophy of consensus democracy is designed to primarily meet transition demands, which makes rapid societal transformation beyond transition raise bottom-up pressures expressed in new demands that this democracy cannot accommodate, creating a growing gap between the post-transitional social dynamics and the transitional politics, which generates chronic instability. Further research is needed on stabilisation mechanisms in post-transition, as most studies of consensus democracy focus on stability in transition.

When analyzing the histories of nations, it becomes clear that times of crisis often give rise to various figures who position themselves as problem solvers. Among these, authoritarian leaders are particularly notable. While certain aspects of their childhoods are frequently cited as significant, the geopolitical contexts and global shifts during their rise to power are equally crucial. These leaders typically emerge in countries experiencing similar external pressures, regional conflicts, or transformations in the international balance of power. By examining these shared geopolitical circumstances alongside personal histories, we gain valuable insight into the emergence and appeal of such figures during turbulent periods. This study identifies eight widely recognized cases from 1919 to 2011, including Adolf Hitler, Manuel Noriega, Idi Amin, Muammar Gaddafi, Benito Mussolini, Saddam Hussein, Pol Pot, and Tojo Hideki. Using a descriptive, analytical, and comparative approach, it seeks to answer the question: how do authoritarian figures exploit geopolitical environments to consolidate and expand their power? The findings suggest that such leaders often use ongoing crises to legitimize their actions, manipulate public sentiment, and push territorial or ideological agendas. To enhance accuracy and pattern recognition, artificial intelligence (AI) techniques were employed in the analysis phase. These tools helped reveal recurring behavioral and geopolitical patterns that may otherwise remain unnoticed. The study emphasizes the importance of identifying these dynamics early to prevent future international crises.

The rise of ISIS has profoundly impacted the economies of Iraq and Syria. This research paper examines the severe repercussions on international trade within these nations. By analyzing the economic and political ramifications of ISIS’s presence, the study aims to reveal how ISIS disrupts the movement of goods and services across Iraq and Syria. A key focus is the disruption of supply chains. ISIS’s presence has caused significant interruptions in production and distribution networks, leading to delays, increased costs, and inefficiencies in trade operations. Additionally, the instability has deterred domestic and foreign investments, resulting in financial losses and economic decline. The paper also addresses the decline in foreign trade. Fear and uncertainty from ISIS’s activities have reduced trade volumes, affecting essential goods and services. Furthermore, ISIS’s control of oil-rich regions has reduced output and led to illegal trade practices, complicating the economic landscape.