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In order to select competent managers, there must be indicators to evaluate managers with those criteria. Imam Khamenei interprets Jihadi management as a kind of spirit of struggle culture and conscious activism. The purpose of this research is to explain the characteristics of Jihadi management taken from the scholarly statements of the Supreme Leader (Madazaleh) and to present it to the country's management community in order to promote , applying and implementing their guidelines in the Islamic society. Now the question is, what are the characteristics of Jihadi management in the second step of the revolution with emphasis on the intellectual system of Imam Khamenei? By using the method of thematic analysis, the researcher conceptualized the data obtained from the statements of Imam Khamenei. Based on those concepts, primary themes and organizing themes were obtained. Finally, by combining and integrating the inclusive themes of five dimensions of faith and working for God, seriousness and tirelessness, insight in doing assigned tasks, haste combined with tact, antipathy with an emphasis on the thought of Imam Khamenei (Madazla) were extracted.

Oversight of political power is essential for good governance. This process, by comparing "What is" with "What should be," helps improve resource allocation and enhances the quality of public services. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, following the 1357 SH/1979 AD Revolution, the political system underwent a structural transformation in leadership accountability by establishing the institution of the Leader (alongside the three branches of government) and revoking the absolute immunity of the monarch. This article examines the concept, significance, and mechanisms of oversight over the Leader and related institutions in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Oversight of the Leader has two primary objectives: increasing efficiency and strengthening political legitimacy. The Leader, as defined in the Constitution, is the most important political authority, elected by the Assembly of Experts (who are themselves elected by the people), and holds extensive duties, including determining the general policies of the system and commanding the armed forces. The Leader is equal to all other citizens before the law and can be dismissed by the Assembly of Experts if they lose the necessary qualifications. This article analyzes three main theories of legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the Theory of Appointment (divine legitimacy), the Theory of Election (popular legitimacy), and the Divine-Popular Theory (a combination of both). Each of these theories explains leadership oversight in a different way. This analysis shows that despite differences in theoretical foundations, all perspectives emphasize the necessity of oversight over the Leader and related institutions, paving the way for increased efficiency and the stability of the system.

Background and Objective: The securitization of women, as one of the key components of social and national security, plays an effective role in sustainable development and social cohesion. The present study aims to explain the strategies for the securitization of women in the sphere of national order, with an emphasis on the statements of the Supreme Leader, in order to clarify the theoretical and practical dimensions of this issue from the perspective of the Leader's views. Methodology: The present research has used the thematic analysis method to examine the statements of the Supreme Leader. Data were collected from a set of relevant statements, coded, and analyzed in the form of basic, organizing, and overarching themes. Findings: The research results show that the securitization of women in the intellectual system of the Supreme Leader can be analyzed in three dimensions: "Self-building," "Society-building," and "Civilization-building." Based on the analyses performed, a conceptual model can be presented to show the "Relationship between constructs and their role" in the securitization of women. This model includes five main constructs (individual, familial, socio-cultural, economic, and political-civilizational), each of which acts as an independent axis while simultaneously playing a complementary role in interaction with other constructs. The main themes include the empowerment of women, human dignity, the role of women in the family, women's social and political participation, and providing legal and cultural support for women's security. Also, the emphasis on preserving the religious and cultural identity of women as an important factor in achieving social security has been considered. Conclusion: The securitization of women in the sphere of national order requires a multi-dimensional and integrated approach that covers the individual, familial, and social dimensions. The findings of this research can be used as a basis for policymaking and planning in the field of women's security and contribute to the promotion of social security indicators and sustainable development.

Objective: The issue of Imamate and community leadership is the most enduring intellectual topic among Muslims. Within this, the perspective of mysticism and the thought of mystics on Imamate and leadership has received less attention. This article, focusing on the school of Ibn Arabi and the works of Nurbakhsh, critically studies how the scope of guardianship was expanded from spiritual guardianship to political guardianship—a development that, in a manner, provided the intellectual foundation for the Safavid Shaykhs in establishing the Safavid dynasty. Method: The present study uses a combination of three methods, historical, comparative, and analytical, within the framework of the History of Thought. Based on the works of Nurbakhsh and through an intra-textual analysis of said works, this study examines and elucidates the various dimensions of this perspective on Imamate and community leadership, while also presenting its underlying reasons and contexts for critical evaluation. Findings: An examination of the lived history of mystics and their mystical viewpoints reveals three perspectives on the relationship between religious law and spiritual reality: A) Reality without Law, B) Reality within the framework of law, and C) Law within the framework of Reality. The rethinking of the concepts of independent legal reasoning and struggle by mystics such as Ibn Arabi, and its detailed representation in the thoughts and works of Nurbakhsh, gives rise to the third perspective. This perspective paved the manner for the expansion of the scope of Vilayah from inner guardianship to outer guardianship. In this sense, exoteric Ijtihād is elevated to "Revelatory Ijtihād " and becomes the axis for understanding religion. The position of the Imam, who simultaneously possesses the qualifications for both the lesser and greater jihad, becomes embodied in a single individual. Conclusion: Nurbakhsh divides the Imamate of the community into two categories: "Real Imamate" and "Relative Imamate." He considers a saint who possesses all the characteristics of Imamate as the holder of "Real Imamate." He regards other saints as Imams to the extent that they possess those attributes, calling their Imamate "Relative Imamate." According to this framework, many of the Shi'a Imams are categorized under relative Imamate, as they do not simultaneously possess all the characteristics described for the community's Imam in "Mystical Jurisprudence."

In the contemporary world, media do not merely play the role of reflecting events and realities, but havebecome active agents in reproducing and constructing social reality. This situation, explained in Jean Baudrillard's theory of the "hyperreality" or "era of acute reality," reflects a fundamental transformation in citizens' perceptual patterns and the profound impact of media representations on cultural, social, and political beliefs and attitudes. In Iran, these developments have posed significant challenges to the process of realizing and sustaining perspectives aligned with the ideals of the Islamic Revolution, including distortion of goals and slogans, unrealistic narrations, widespread dissemination of misinformation, selective representation of historical facts, the formation of media-driven movements, and the expansion of organized propaganda. This study, relying on Baudrillard's theoretical framework of hyperreality and employing semi-structured interviews, seeks to answer the fundamental question of what strategies the Islamic Republic of Iran must adopt to realize a desirable political outlook in the era of hyperreality. The research findings indicate that a deep understanding of the transformations in the new lifeworld, the design and application of universal symbols compatible with the logic of hyperreality, intelligent engagement with new cultural authorities, narrative power and priority in storytelling, attention to media balance and honesty, creating narrative coordination and synergy among media outlets, and institutionalizing behavioral and verbal integrity among officials are among the key requirements for achieving a desirable political outlook within the context of acute reality.

Objective: Impartial scholars believe that pervasive corruption was a key characteristic of the Pahlavi regime. While extensive research has been conducted on this topic, it has not been thoroughly examined through the lens of the leaders of the Islamic Revolution. This article aims to address this gap by asking: ‘What is Imam Khamenei's definition of corruption, and how does he view its depth and breadth within the Pahlavi regime?’ Method: To answer this question, a content analysis and documentary study approach were used. The research examined and compiled a collection of statements from the Leader of the Revolution. Results: Within the framework of his thoughts and with the aid of historical documents, court insiders' memoirs and writings, and existing research, this study presents examples and evidence of the court's corruption in each area. Conclusions:   The findings indicate that, in Imam Khamenei's view, the Pahlavi regime was afflicted by corruption in its moral, financial, managerial, and political aspects, and that this corruption was widespread. The Shah himself was the core of this corruption, and the closer individuals were to this core, the more corrupt they were.

Objective: Impartial scholars believe that pervasive corruption was a key characteristic of the Pahlavi regime. While extensive research has been conducted on this topic, it has not been thoroughly examined through the lens of the leaders of the Islamic Revolution. This article aims to address this gap by asking: ‘What is Imam Khamenei's definition of corruption, and how does he view its depth and breadth within the Pahlavi regime?’ To answer this question, a content analysis and documentary study approach were used. The research examined and compiled a collection of statements from the Leader of the Revolution. Method: The research method is qualitative of a historical type, and the analysis is documentary and qualitative. Data collection was conducted through library research and note-taking, and the explanation is provided with a sociological approach centered on religious values. Results: Within the framework of his thoughts and with the aid of historical documents, court insiders' memoirs and writings, and existing research, this study presents examples and evidence of the court's corruption in each area. Conclusions:  The findings indicate that, in Imam Khamenei's view, the Pahlavi regime was afflicted by corruption in its moral, financial, managerial, and political aspects, and that this corruption was widespread. The Shah himself was the core of this corruption, and the closer individuals were to this core, the more corrupt they were. The present study aims to analyze the role of religious values in the formation of popular protests during the premiership of Jamshid Amouzegar as a reflection of the nature of the Islamic Revolution. The central problem of the research is to explain the nature of the movement and the role of values in the events of Jamshid Amouzegar's premiership. The Shah's effort in bringing Amouzegar to power was to prevent the Islamic Revolution. In this study, the Islamic movement and its significant events are explained with a focus on values, and from this perspective, the present topic is worthy of research. Thus, the necessity of reviewing and analyzing Iran's political events in a revolutionary state is once again reinforced. This paper seeks to answer the question: ‘What role did Islamic values play in the events leading to the Islamic Revolution during the premiership of Jamshid Amouzegar?’ It appears that the nature of the protests following these events was oriented towards revolutionary values and the performance of religious duty. Imam Khomeini's educational approach, through the revival of religious rites, played a decisive role in the general mobilization against the Pahlavi regime. The research findings indicate that the Goethe Poetry Nights, the martyrdom of Mostafa Khomeini, the death of Dr. Shariati, the insulting article in the Ettela'at newspaper, the Cinema Rex fire, and the fortieth-day mourning ceremonies inspired by religious values and derived from the 40th of Sayyid al-Shuhada (Imam Hussein) were among the most important events that acted as carriers of religious values and had sociological impacts on the course of the revolution and the regime's collapse. Conclution:The results of the study of historical events during the prime ministership of Jamshid Amouzgar showed that the Islamic Revolution was a movement focused on values. The popular movement at the end of the Pahlavi regime was rooted in rational action focused on values, and collective behavior and social movements were formed on this basis; this led to the victory of the Islamic Revolution.

The purpose of this article is to introduce and examine revisionism in the great revolutions of the world. Based on this, with the method of comparative study and in the framework of Gidden's "Structuration" theory, we investigate the interaction of "agency" and "structure" which causes the formation of revisionism in these revolutions. The study of these revolutions shows that the current of revisionism is formed and strengthened when, first, the agency of the people decreases and the agency of those in power increases; Secondly, equality as a construction should be weakened and the construction of power-seeking should be emphasized. In the French Revolution, power-hungry politicians were active, and aristocracy as a common construct led to revisionism. In the Russian Revolution, when monopolism prevailed as the pattern of social communication, a new class took power and a revision of revolutionary ideals and methods took place. The Chinese revolution underwent revisionism when technocrats became agents and developmentism as construction prevailed. The article suggests that in order to reduce the scope of revisionism in revolutionary systems, it is necessary to maintain and strengthen the presence and influence of people in the political scene. In addition, various tools should be used to weaken the structure and pattern of power-seeking among revolutionary politicians.

Objective: : The purpose of this research is to identify the scenarios for the Islamic Revolution as influenced by the megatrends of the new world order in the 2035 AD/1414 SH horizon. Methodology : This study employs a mixed-methods approach, combining quantitative and qualitative techniques. It utilizes futures studies methods such as balanced cross-impact analysis and scenario writing, supported by Scenario Wizard and Micmac software. Findings : From initial 1,536 scenarios generated by the software, seven core scenarios were selected based on expert opinion: "Rise of Resistance, end of resistance, fall of the eagle, new American era, and coalition against Iran, everyone's failure, and order in disorder." Conclusions : Seven core scenarios of rise of resistance, end of resistance, fall of the eagle, new American era, coalition against Iran, everyone's failure, and order in disorder were identified and confirmed by experts as the primary scenarios.

Ayatollah Javadi Amoli has a relative comprehensiveness in religious studies and also in dealing with issues of political theology, including the areas of political theology, which has made him a prominent figure. (Importance) The article, based on Skinner's intentional hermeneutic method (method), has analyzed the relationship between Islam and the state with some interventions. Based on this, the main question is what is the type of relationship between religion and government in Javadi Amoli's view? (Main question) The hypothesis is based on the fact that, based on the subjective and objective grounds and the conventional norms in this field, Javadi Amoli, by rejecting the idea of ​​the separation of religion and politics, considers the relationship between religion and government to be based on the fundamental principle of God's absolute sovereignty and also the right to choose and creative freedom, and emphasizes government as a divine office. (Hypothesis) Based on this, some conclusions are: Javadi Amoli is one of the serious theorists of the integration of religion and politics and religion and government based on rational and religious evidence; a religious state is not contrary to the active role of the people, but it is not the only exclusive component either; government as a religious office; the role of reason in political legitimacy; Separation of legitimacy in the position of proof from legitimacy in the position of proof; an Islamic ruler over society does not have a mandate but rather a guardianship, and people accept his divine guardianship through expert experts; people have a fundamental role in the position of proof, but they do not have any role in the position of proof; the nature of Islamic rulings explains the necessity of forming a religious government; neither is imposition legitimate in the essence of religion, nor can a religious government be compulsory; man, by law, must accept religion and divine sovereignty; the decision to implement or not implement divine commands and laws in society is in the hands of the people; in a religious government such as liberal-democratic governments, the people's opinion and opinion alone are not the axis; the politics and government of the prophets (peace be upon them) is an ever-pure politics; two types of guardianship over the excluded and guardianship over the wise are mentioned in the Quran; an Islamic ruler over society does not have a mandate but a guardianship of the second type; The attorney is dismissed by the client, but the guardian is dismissed due to lack of conditions. (Findings)

Objective: This paper aims to explore Murtaḍā Muṭahharī’s distinctive contributions to Islamic economic thought, with a particular focus on his analysis in Darāmadī bar Iqtiṣād Taṭbīqī. It seeks to clarify how Muṭahharī’s economic philosophy both critiques Western economic schools and articulates a uniquely Islamic approach, especially in the context of the ideological foundations of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. Method: The study employs a qualitative, analytical approach, drawing on Muṭahharī’s lectures. The research situates Muṭahharī’s economic ideas within the broader intellectual and historical landscape of Iran on the eve of the revolution. Results: The analysis reveals that Muṭahharī’s economic thought is characterized by a rigorous distinction between economic science and economic doctrine, an emphasis on justice and ethical conduct, and a holistic view of Islam as a comprehensive way of life. He critiques both capitalism and socialism for their inability to realize true justice and instead advocates for an Islamic economic system that balances individual initiative with social responsibility. Conclusion: Muṭahharī’s vision for Islamic economics remains highly relevant to contemporary debates on social justice, Islamic banking, and the moral foundations of economic policy in Iran and beyond. His work provides a robust intellectual framework for integrating Islamic values with modern economic challenges, ensuring that the pursuit of material well-being in Muslim societies remains inseparable from the quest for justice and spiritual fulfillment.

Multiethnic identities in any country can have a dual function; on the one hand, they can strengthen national unity and on the other hand, they can become a trump card in the hands of foreigners to undermine the national security and territorial integrity of that country. In the meantime, the central government plays a decisive role in determining how the ethnic groups living in the country function. In the present study, two completely different approaches to the way of interacting with ethnic identities, namely the Pahlavi government and the Islamic Republic, are examined. Also, a case study will address the way the two aforementioned governments interacted with the Kurdish people, and in this way, the question of what position national identity and ethnic identity had in the two aforementioned periods will be answered. The research data were collected using a library method and analyzed using a comparative method. The research findings indicate that the adoption of an antagonistic approach by the Pahlavi government, which was aimed at achieving Iranian national unity and strengthening their national cohesion, led to the central government's efforts to eliminate ethnic identities, and the cultural policymaking of the Islamic Republic, by adopting an agonistic approach, accepted the concept of ethnic identities as one of the indelible realities of Iranian society.