درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Administrative system is one of the deep-rooted and ancient institutions of Iran. Administrative system or in other words court-administrative organization in any government is considered as one of the structures of a political system, which is very important and plays a significant role in the consistency of a government. The court-administrative organization of Safavid, which went through the three stages of formation, stabilization and peak along with the two elements of continuity and development, was one of the powerful administrative systems of post-Islamic Iran, which its examples became as a model for Iranian governments after Safavid. The fundamental desire of the present research is to examine the role and position of the court organization considering the foreign relations of Safavid. The research method in this study is based on the descriptive-analytical method and the method of collecting information is library. The results and achievements of the present research illustrated that that positions such as Monshi ol-Mamalek, Majless Nevis (events writer), Īshīk Āghāsī Bāshī, Mehmandar Bashi, Yesavol Sohbat, Pishkesh Nevis and Nazer each played a role in issues related to Safavid foreign relations.

Chronogram is the conversion of numbers and figures of history into letters, words and terms. Due to its development and growth, especially in the Safavid period, this technique has become a complex form and has gradually attracted politicians` attention and has been used directly in historical developments to prove their legitimacy, as well as their confrontation against their opponents. The use of the chronogram and the attempt to reconcile it with the rise of the Safavids, the accession of Shah Ismail, the formation of Shah Tahmasb's army, some of the Indian conquests during the reign of Shah Abbas and accession of Nader are some of these historical approaches which will be discussed in this study. In addition to stating a specific part of history, some of these chronograms, also indirectly reveal some hidden social and historical issues that can be used in historical analysis.

Historical maps are one of the most important sources for studying the historical geography of lands, borders of dynasties and territories, historical names and border changes. also, by studying historical maps, one can discover the geographical vision and view of people throughout the centuries and in different societies, and in this way achieve a correct understanding of concepts such as the world, geography, territorial boundaries and things like these. on the other hand, the researcher of Iranian history, especially the researcher of the Safavid era, is bound to refer to various maps that have been drawn about the geographical boundaries of Iran. by studying the elements and data included in the historical maps, one can get a visual understanding of the borders of Iran's territory and the correct recording of specific geographical names. the map of the "Etats du Grand-Seigneur en Asie : Empire de Perse, Pays des Usbecs, Arabie et Egypte" was drawn in the first half of the 12th century AH/18th CE by the efforts of two of the most prominent European cartographers of that era, namely Gilles Robert de Vaugondy and his son Didier Robert de Vaugondy. Vaugondies were prominent cartographers in the 17th and 18th centuries whose scientific activities were largely acknowledged in the French court and across Europe, and European rulers tended to acquire maps and geographical globes developed by the Vaugondies. Now the question is, how did a European cartographer describe the geographical area of Iran in the early 18th century? Did he look at the territory of Iran from a dynastic lens or did he consider it as a whole unit? Adopting a descriptive-analytical approach and qualitative methodology, the present study strives to outline the domain of Iran in the late Safavid period based on the information provided on the map drawn by Gilles Robert de Vaugondy and Didier de Vaugondy. Analysis of obtained data unveils that Vaugondy, alike his contemporaries, regarded Iran as a unit and distinct geography. The image that he provided of the boundary of Iran also aligns with Persian texts of the given era.

Iran-India relations are deeply rooted in history,going back to the onset of Indo-migration. Based on the policy of neighborhood, their relationshipgrew smoothly in the spheres of commerce and tradeand thentheir cultural relations and exchangesforged. Thecommercial convergence and cultural similarities between two nations extendedthroughout the Islamic age, followed by the Muslimization of Iran and some parts of the western and southern India. However, the promotion of their relationships can be seenthroughout the relations of the Safavids with the Bāberiyān and Shi’a-ruled states in south Indiasuch asBahmani, Adil Shāhī and Qutb Shāhī and particularlyNīzām Shāhī.It seems that The Shi’areligion have greatly affected these governments to be closer to the Safavids in Iran as aShi’a-ruled state. According to the research sources, the growth of Shi’a-ruled states throughout India began in the 8th century and reached its peak in the 13th century. These states emerged in some areas such as Kashmir, southern India, Awadh and Bengal. The factors behind the spread of Shi’as throughout India have been the presence of Iranian Shi’a Muslim scholars and businesspersons and the propaganda of Shia missionaries. However, not only didthese Shi’as, especially Nīzām Shāhī dynastyshare the religious similarities with Safavids, but also they were considered one of the significant trading partners of this state, who was knownas the main economic, political and religioussponsor of Shi’a-ruled states and Nīzām Shāhī in India in this period. This study aims to investigate the elements affecting the relationships between the Safavids and the Nīzām Shāhīsconsidering the political developments of thisDynasty.“Which factors have created huge impacts on the interpersonal growth of relations between two governments” and “how much impressionsthese relations have had on the political policies of Nīzām Shāhī Dynasty?”To explorethe raised questions, this papertries to hypothesizethe Shi’a-ruled states like the Nīzām Shāhī dynastyin South India have been given the supportof Safavid dynastyin the economic, political and cultural spheres for antagonism towards the Sunnislike the Bāboriyānsin India. Ultimately, what brought about the overthrow of the Shi’a-ruled statesin southern India, such as the Nīzām Shāhī dynasty was that the increased Bāboriyāns’power in northern India had been simultaneous with the vicissitudes of Safavids’ power in Iran. This researchin a descriptive-analytic method has used original library resources.

This article presents documents on the aftermath of a diplomatic affair from 1705, which was engineered by Safavid Iran’s grand vizier Muhammad Mumin Shamlu and which was the last of his undertakings to reorient relations with the Ottoman Empire. It was a part of his policy played out as several faits This article presents documents on the aftermath of a diplomatic affair from 1705, which was engineered by Safavid Iran’s grand vizier Muhammad Mumin Shamlu and which was the last of his undertakings to reorient relations with the Ottoman Empire. It was a part of his policy played out as several faits accomplis unfolding at the same time and aiming to embitter Ottoman-Safavid relations, which had reached a formal alliance over the last decade. Starting out under the guise of a religious gift-giving, this initiative from the Iranian capital Isfahan to Prophet Muhammad’s shrine in Ottoman-controlled Medina first slighted the Ottomans’ lordship rights in the Hejaz and therefore became blocked by the Ottoman authorities in Medina as well as the digninaties in Constantinople. But soon, it grew into a subject of diplomatic correspondenceand thenbecame entangled in a robbery reaching out to Mecca and Baghdad, whose prosecution spread further to Constantinople, Cairo, Damascus, and the eastern Mediterranean waters. Even after the affair was put to rest, Ottoman-Safavid dealings did not heal from the harm done by Muhammad Mumin Shamlu’s succesive thrusts to undermine the cooperation of the 1690s.The peace outlived Beygdilli-Shamlu’s term as grand vizier, but he succeeded in downgrading it from an official brotherhood to a bare state of nonaggression. accomplis unfolding at the same time and aiming to embitter Ottoman- Safavid relations, which had reached a formal alliance over the last decade. Starting out under the guise of a religious gift-giving, this initiative from the Iranian capital Isfahan to Prophet Muhammad’s shrine in Ottoman-controlled Medina first slighted the Ottomans’ lordship rights in the Hejaz and therefore became blocked by the Ottoman authorities in Medina as well as the digninaties in Constantinople. But soon, it grew into a subject of diplomatic correspondenceand thenbecame entangled in a robbery reaching out to Mecca and Baghdad, whose prosecution spread further to Constantinople, Cairo, Damascus, and the eastern Mediterranean waters. Even after the affair was put to rest, Ottoman-Safavid dealings did not heal from the harm done by Muhammad Mumin Shamlu’s succesive thrusts to undermine the cooperation of the 1690s.The peace outlived Beygdilli-Shamlu’s term as grand vizier, but he succeeded in downgrading it from an official brotherhood to a bare state of nonaggression.

Jungs are manuscripts or collections of documents that contain a selection of historical, literary, religious, and scientific documents and texts. Ahmad Gholam’s Jung is from the second half of the Safavid period, especially from the late Safavid period (simultaneous with the Afghan invasion) and contains documents from this period and earlier periods. Its structural features consist of physical and formal dimensions such as the components used, the way letters are written and arranged, and their explanation.The achievement of the present article expresses the importance of historical values of the mentioned manuscript from a structural point of view. The research method used in this research is formal analysis with a phenomenological approach (analysis and empirical analysis and direct with a critical approach) and with reference to the present manuscript.

In the sixteenth century, the strategic region of the Caucasus had a set of political, economic, transportation, and religious benefits for both the Safavid and Ottoman governments that led the two powers to compete for profound influence and attention in the region. During this period, when some weak and unstable kings such as Ismail II and Muhammad Khudābanda came to power, lack of strength and better performance caused the Ottoman government to grasp the most of the opportunity to extend their influence over the Caucasus. This study aims at investigating the geographical location of the Caucasus considering the Safavid diplomatic policies and the challenges between the Safavids and the Ottoman Empire through analyzing historical data and library studies. Descriptive data analysis has been considered as the method utilized for this research. The research findings indicate that the ineffectiveness of Safavid foreign policy at this time and the consequence of this policy would have an inevitably negative impact on maintaining and controlling the Caucasus. As a result, this policy would provoke the Ottoman invasions, leading to the occupation of some parts of the Caucasus.

The theory or school of social deterrence, unlike the school of heroism, emphasizes the influence of social conditions and measures governing the economy and social product methods in the emergence and development of historical events. In its extreme form, this doctrine leads to ignoring the personalities and leaders’ contributions to the events. Historians of the Safavid reign influenced by the attitude of heroism in describing Shāh Ismā'il 's character and narrating the events in his time, have highlighted his role as a supernatural savior. This attitude has influenced contemporary researchers, among which some have analyzed the events of his period focusing on his leadership. Despite this attitude, the rise of Shāh Ismā'il can be explained based on the social theory, where Shāh Ismā'il's character is subject to social conditions and the role of tribal support forces that is his leadership is of less concern. The objective here is to assess the emergence of Shāh Ismā'il the I based on social deterrence theory, in a descriptive-analytical manner. The findings indicate that the pieces of evidence revealed in historical writings, where the conditions, contexts, and previous factors in the rise of Shāh Ismā'il under his personality and leadership are of concern. Contemporary researchers have assessed this issue in its social and economic sense, or resorting to the theory of social deterrence, thus, discounting his character as a leader.

The relative and long-term stability brought about by the Safavid government in Iran made urbanization and its requirements to be reviewed, next to the issue of public health. Some physicians began to run new experiments and produce treatises. One of these outstanding treatises is the Risala Ateshak, written by Imad al-Din Mahmoud bin Masoud Shirazi. For the first time, by writing an independent treatise, he described the symptoms, methods of prevention, and treatment of syphilis. To him, the treatise issued before his, except that of Baha'u'l-Razi, were not discussed and were considered a phenomenon from abroad (the West). He sought to explain the manners of transmission, prevention, and treatment of this disease in different temperaments through the available methods, which were mostly based on herbal medicine. He also expressed his belief about the effectiveness of consuming Chinese wood in treating this disease. The accuracy of this treatise's contents and its writing period makes it clear that syphilis is not an imported disease contrary to the idea that existed. The reason for our ignorance of its existence was the inability to distinguish it from other diseases.