درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

The southern part of the China Sea has been the site of one of the most important maritime disputes in five decades. Tensions are so high that some predict World War III will break out in the region. The Philippines's referral for arbitration in respect of some of its disputes with China resulted in the issuing of a 2016 arbitration award. The legal and political significance of this Award has caused debates among scholars. The legality of the Award and the validity of the court's arguments in various positions are among the topics of these discussions.  In this study, our main question is how much this award has contributed to resolving and clarifying the legal aspects of the maritime disputes between the parties. Our secondary question is the impact of this Award on regional and international peace. The findings of this study indicate that the arbitral tribunal's approach has a significant impact on understanding the concept of "historical rights" as well as the explanation and interpretation of marine environmental protection provisions in the 1982 Convention on the Law of the Sea. In the tribunal's view, by joining the Convention on the Law of the Sea, the rules concerning maritime zones, except in rare cases, override the historical rights of States. It also played an important role in defining and explaining various maritime features; including islands, rocks, and low-tide elevations. However, the effect of the award on reducing tensions in the southern part of the China Sea, Chinese government policies, and Regional peace is in doubt.

Throughout history, Iran has always been exposed to many natural and unnatural crises due to its geographical, economic, cultural, natural, and political characteristics, and especially its location in the strategic region of the Middle East. This study aims to investigate the position and role of the logistics capacities of the Islamic Republic of Iran Navy (IRI Navy henceforth) in encountering the natural disaster crisis. The entire participants included 120 senior officers of the Deputy of Readiness and Support, the heads of readiness and support of the affiliated regions and bases, and the middle managers of the headquarters and ranks of the Readiness and Support Command of Najaf among whom 92 were selected randomly based on Krejcie and Morgan’s (19700 table. Data were collected quantitatively using researcher-made disaster management questionnaires and IRI Navy preparedness capacities. Then, the validity of the questionnaire was assessed through confirmatory factor analysis and its reliability was assessed by Cronbach’s alpha. To test the hypotheses and the accuracy of the conceptual model of the research, the structural equation modeling method using the partial least squares (PLS) method was used. Findings indicated the significance of the IRI Navy's preparedness hypotheses on managing and reducing the damage caused by the natural disaster crisis. The results showed that the component of responsibility had the highest rank and importance and the components of timeliness, information, and technology, coordination, mobile systems, efficiency, and preparedness were among the next priorities of logistics capacity in case of encountering a natural disaster crisis, respectively.

Human rights, particularly in the form of international human rights law, intersect with religion and peace at foundational levels, as symbolically highlighted by the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). The Preamble to the Declaration proclaims in its very first line that respect for human dignity is the foundation of peace, and proceeds to declare that freedom of belief, alongside freedom of speech and freedom from fear, are the highest aspirations of humankind. One could similarly highlight the special relationship between the project of human rights, peace and religion, particularly religious tolerance, in the texts of the universal, as well as regional, human rights instruments adopted since 1948, as well as the text of the Charter of the United Nations of 1945. The relationship between contemporary human rights, on the one hand, and religion and peace on the other, is arguably determined by the structure of international human rights law as a political discourse, which describes the relationship between individuals, society and the State. The visible influence of social contract theory on the wording of the Universal Declaration reminds us that from its inception, the project of human rights is intimately linked to religious diversity (because of the birth of modern sovereignty in European wars of religion and evangelical imperialism) and peace (because of the connection that the Declaration draws between the stability of States and respect for the human dignity of citizens). Against this known conceptual and historical backdrop, this paper starts with the displacement, at the global level, of human rights by the ambiguous discourse of "human security," since the early 1990s. A general idea is that "human security", which has rapidly evolved to become an organizing principle of policy-making for governments as well as non-governmental and inter-governmental organizations, constitutes an alternative, sometimes deliberately advocated as such, to the discourse of human rights. Although received, and arguably uninformed, commonsense considers human rights as a threat to State sovereignty, the confrontation of human rights with "human security" reveals, first, how human rights is bound to sovereignty and, second, how "human security" refers to political parameters that are foreign to those of the UDHR. In that sense, this paper discusses how the structurally very deep relationship between peace, religion, and the project of equality in diversity promoted within international law by the UDHR is sidelined by the general project of "global governance," to which "human security" has contributed a legitimate basis for disregarding the sovereignty on which human rights depend. Methodologically, the paper seeks to bring together a structured and coherent conceptual backdrop to the resistance offered more recently by a group of States to the continuous use of "human security" within the United Nations and beyond. This is done through the use of the technical notion of "political theology," which systematizes the foundational place of religion in political discourse by describing political-theoretical language (such as that of the Universal Declaration) as secularized versions of religious worldviews. This allows for a constructive confrontation of human rights and "human security" as parallel political projects, in a way that describes the project of "human security," connected as it is with other strategic concepts of global governance (like the "responsibility to protect"), as a threat to the original architecture of international human rights law. This threat is shown to derive from "human security's" potential hostility to both human rights' international law component (sovereignty) as well as its human rights component (equality in diversity), particularly by associating humanitarian concerns with the passing security concerns of dominant States. 

Many contemporary authors fear that the proliferation of rights-claims may cause human rights to fall victim to their own popularity. If every good that is desired by one or another group of people is cloaked in the venerable garbs of a human right, and there is no way to tell ‘real’ from ‘supposed’ human rights, this may generate scepticism towards the concept of human rights in general. However deplorable this situation may be, for moral philosophers it may be thought to involve an opportunity to reaffirm the importance of their discipline. After all, how else could we distinguish genuine from imaginary human rights than by building a theory about the subject? The aim of my paper is to show that this idea is exactly wrong — that the proliferation of human rights claims cannot be stopped even in theory. It is a mistake to think that the proliferation of rights claims results from a lack of awareness of the proper theoretical foundation of human rights. On the contrary, I will argue that the proliferation of rights mirrors a deep problem in secular theories of human rights, that these theories do not have the conceptual resources to limit ever larger rights claims. I will suggest that to understand the present situation, we need to look into the religious presuppositions of the culture in which natural rights to subsistence were first proclaimed. Specifically, I will argue that contemporary theories of human rights are secularized versions of a religious precursor.

Minerals in nature are one of the most valuable treasures on the earth, which due to the limitation of these resources on land and its heterogeneous distribution in different countries, has made human beings think about extracting the new resources. The limited mineral resources on land and the heterogeneous distribution of these substances in different countries have made human beings think about extracting and using the resources of other parts of the earth and even other planets. Deep-sea mineral resources can be considered as a reliable alternative to compensate for the limitations of land resources. The developed countries were more concerned with the use of these resources than others because, given the dependence of their economies on third-world mineral resources, the development of offshore resources could mean the liberation of their economies from this dependence. In political and scientific circles, the concept of the common heritage of humanity was gradually introduced, based on which activities related to mining in the deep sea. The method of this research is a descriptive-analytical study using library resources, the study of articles, and a review of environmental treaties and related internet resources. The result of this research shows, that none of these legal systems in the field of responsibility can respond to the challenges independently. This research tries to provide a legal solution by considering the opinions of environmental experts, an executive solution about achieving new financial resources based on combined systems of environmental responsibility.

In the third millennium, the number of environmental variables and the nature of the complex relationships between them have resulted in the complexity of competition in the business. Accordingly, the role of organizational intangible capital has been more touchable than ever. Actually, as the intensity of competition increases, the importance of intangible capital enhances and the importance of physical and fixed capital decreases. Due to its geopolitical situation and the presence of extensive maritime boundaries in the north and south, Iran possesses countless strengths and opportunities to obtain maximum resources and benefits from this God-given blessing. Therefore, preservation and expansion of maritime institutions in Iran has been raised as an undeniable necessity in all short- and long-term government plans. This study aims to have policy making regarding the management of organizational intangible capital and its impact on knowledge productivity in maritime institutions of the country. Participants were the experts of Iran’s maritime organizations, which include IRI strategic Navy, the Ports and Maritime Organization, and the National Iranian Tanker Company. Standard questionnaires were employed for data collection. Results showed that focusing on intangible organizational capital in the policy making of maritime institutions can have a significant impact on knowledge productivity in them, which can lead to benefiting from national capacities in maritime studies.

There is an urgent need for methods by which people and communities of faith peacebuilding and human rights development. This paper argues for a holistic understanding of peacebuilding that includes security of life, a guarantee of subsistence, and the pursuit of other fundamental human rights. This need is especially acute in countries of rising instability or post-conflict rebuilding. More and more countries face a downward spiral of instability even though many leaders and bodies seek to reverse this trend. Sadly, even among those countries that emerge from conflict, one-half revert to conflict within five years. Hence the question this paper addresses is, “How shall people and communities of religious conviction be effectively engaged in a peacebuilding and human rights process?” <br />This people factor is too little understood, even though the role of citizens in transitional states has long been acknowledged as essential for just and sustainable change. For peace accords and international conventions, in and of themselves, do not make peace or deliver human rights. Neither does the arrival of international peacekeepers nor the speeches of clerics and political leaders. While these developments are helpful stimuli, real human peace and security derives from community-based initiatives that create a “positive deviance” for peaceable, rights-oriented living vis-à-vis governments and other forces.  <br />Thus this paper will hypothesize a methodology whereby citizens engage religious institutions, governments (local and national), and international change agents to transform conflict into promising peace and rights. It will identify common peacebuilding principles operating across sectors of human development, security, and rights-oriented work. These sectors may include at least the following: health, conservation, education, security, labor, spirituality, and corporate social responsibility. <br />This paper also seeks to hone a typology of human rights and peacebuilding challenges facing countries of instability and post-conflict rebuilding. Categories may include at least the following: stages and types of conflict, fragile and failed states, overlooked populations, ethnic and racial discrimination, transnational politics and justice, natural resource and wealth distribution, and social capital.

The world witnessed a change in the arrangement of international actors after the Second World War and the rise of international organizations in the international landscape. The International Maritime Organization (IMO) was one of these entities, acting as the UN specialized agency in maritime affairs. This study mainly aims at reviewing the regulatory role of the IMO, particularly the Port State Control (PSC) regime, by addressing its concept, as well as the legal basis and the control procedures. This mainly descriptive–inductive study describes and analyzes the legal bases of the PSC. Generally, IMO is identified with two types of functions: legislation and regulation. IMO’s regulatory function is reflected in two main tools, namely, the Audit Scheme of its Member States and Port State Control (PSC). With its supplementary nature, PSC is in fact an efficient maritime system for the safety and protection of the marine environment, encouraging states to watch for the safety of ships other than those flying their flags, especially those visiting their ports. This control system has led to an effective and efficient implementation of IMO rules and regulations.