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Free trade can influence political stability by fostering economic growth, reducing poverty, and increasing employment opportunities, leading to a more content and stable society, while also potentially reducing tensions by creating interdependencies with other countries. While free trade offers many benefits, free trade also brings monopolization and corporate Power. It can be seen in favor of large multinational corporations that have the resources to dominate markets. The objective of the article is to examine how Malaysia's free trade agreements work with Pakistan, New Zealand, India, and Australia that have influenced political stability. While free trade is often touted as a mechanism for economic growth and political cooperation, its impact on political stability remains complex. So, this article will analyze whether these trade agreements have effectively contributed to Malaysia's political stability, considering both positive outcomes and potential risks. The methodology employs a mixed-method approach, including a qualitative, doctrinal and socio-legal approach. The results shows that Malaysia's free trade agreements with Pakistan, New Zealand, India, and Australia have impacted economic growth, more foreign investment, and stronger diplomatic relations, created a more stable political environment and making Malaysia more resilient to economic shocks. The article also suggests for strengthening the bilateral agreement between all countries for boosting economic market.

During the post-Cold War era, while western countries continued to exert their influence on the world stage, Indian and Iranian officials turned their focus to the East. They introduced the Look East Policy and Look to the East Policy respectively, with the aim of leveraging the political, economic, cultural, geographical, and security opportunities available in that region. By adopting these policies, both India and Iran sought to deepen their engagement with countries in East and Southeast Asia, diversify their trade and investment portfolios, and reduce their dependence on western nations. The objective of this article is to analyze India and Iran's Look East Policy and Look to the East Policy, with a focus on their outcomes for national well-being, security, and the potential in the economic, political, and security domains with respect to Eastern countries. To do so, researchers primarily discuss the importance of the Look East Policy in the foreign policy of both India and Iran and discuss why this region comes to the center with full-fledged attention. Furthermore, they scrutinize the accomplishments of India and Iran as well as the structural barriers they encounter in the region, along with their approaches to pursuing their objectives and interests in the area. This article presents an analysis of the constraints, difficulties, and successes of the Look East policy.  

Malaysia has been a key trading partner with the US and China since its independence. However, the US's imposition of safeguard tariffs has triggered a trade conflict with China, indirectly impacting Malaysia's supply chains and global pricing. This paper aims to explore the implications of the US-China trade war on Malaysia, focusing on the resulting international trade tensions among the involved countries. Using a doctrinal-qualitative approach, the trade policies of these three nations are analysed. With China's investment in Malaysia growing under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the potential for investment diversion from China is high. However, Malaysia faces strong competition from ASEAN countries for this investment relocation, necessitating proactive economic development measures. This paper suggests that Malaysia needs to anticipate the future of multilateral trade with the US and China to effectively navigate these challenges. By addressing these issues, Malaysia can better position itself in the evolving global trade landscape.

The decades-long imbroglio in Afghanistan has negative impacts on both the domestic and foreign affairs of Pakistan. Along with other economic, political and strategic impacts, it also negatively impacts the interests and connectivity with energy-rich Central Asian Republics. The primary objective of this study is to explore the impacts of Afghanistan’s issue on Pakistan’s engagement in Central Asia. The imbroglio is impacting Pakistan's engagement with Central Asia in two ways. First, Afghanistan is located on the crossroad; all the shortest routes connecting Pakistan with Central Asia cross through its territory. Therefore, the insecurity in the country made it unconducive for any connectivity project. Trans-Afghan railway project, TAPI, TAP-500, CASA-1000, and many other projects between the two regions are still a dream. Second, the Afghan policy of Pakistan to support the Taliban was not liked by the CARs. It has also negatively impacted Pakistan's engagement with them. This study is based on the Complex Interdependence Theory, which helps to understand why, despite these problems and differences, Pakistan and CARs are cooperating and working together.

The Indo-Pacific region has become increasingly central to global politics, reflecting significant shifts in geopolitical dynamics. This paper investigates the evolving relationship between India and Iran, focusing on their strategic ambitions and the broader geopolitical implications within the Indo-Pacific context. Key attention in the study has been given to the strategic importance of Chabahar Port, which serves as India's crucial gateway to Afghanistan and Central Asia, enhancing its connectivity and influence in the region. Additionally, the paper explores India's participation in emerging alliances, analyzing both the challenges and opportunities these partnerships present. The study has incorporateed SPSS regression analysis, examining the factors influencing India's strategic decisions and the impact of its alliances on regional stability and prosperity. By employing this statistical approach, the paper quantitatively assesses the correlations between various geopolitical and economic variables, offering a nuanced understanding of India's strategic posture with Iran in the Indo-Pacific region.

Maintaining security, dealing with threats, and having military power to realize these things are the main concerns of countries that have security concerns. Therefore, strengthening internal power and improving the level of defense is one of the basic priorities of the government's policies. As a country with geostrategic, geopolitical and geoeconomic positions, Iran is facing important security challenges at the national, regional, and transnational levels, especially after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. The country has been at the heart of US political considerations due to Iran's political approach as a regional power in the Middle East. Iran has continuously faced serious challenges, especially from the US and Israel, and as a result, it has paid special attention to preventing possible threats from overcoming the dangers. For the national security of the country, Iranian policy makers have identified threats to national security and are trying to take measures to avoid risks. The development of military technology is defined as a key deterrent mechanism against security threats.This article analyzes the impact of the evolution of missile technology on Iran's defense-security strategy. The descriptive and analytical method is used in this article and the geopolitical and geostrategic threats against Iran are discussed. Next, Iran's defense strategy and defense policy are analyzed, then defense diplomacy and deterrence strategy are examined. The main purpose of the article is to explain Iran's goals in developing missile technology. This technology aims to create a deterrent mechanism against threats to regional and extra-regional security.

The purpose of this study is to examine the protracted border problems of Indonesia - Timor Leste, especially unresolved segments in the Noel Besi - Citrana area. The method used in this research is qualitative research with a case study approach. The findings in this study show that the protracted land boundary problem between Indonesia and Timor Leste, namely the unresolved segment Noel Besi-Citrana, is caused by differences in interpretation between Indonesia and Timor Leste of the 1904 Treaty. Therefore, the Noel Besi River and its estuary, as contained in the 1904 Treaty, are still a matter of debate between Indonesia and Timor Leste. The error in the 1904 Treaty was to define an object using two definitions, geometrically and toponymical, which caused later debate. This condition has an impact on the social conditions of border communities, to be prone to conflict due to the unclear territorial boundaries of the country.

Following the contemporary globalization process, cities have gained a strong presence in world politics, and by connecting to international urban networks, they play an effective role in the common interests of themselves and other urban actors. The current research aims to investigate the requirements of forming an international union of cities around the Persian Gulf by strengthening city diplomacy in the region with the benefit of a descriptive-analytical method. In this regard, the background of economic and social relations and the region's current situation have been investigated using reliable sources and articles. Finally, the model of city diplomacy in the Persian Gulf region has been presented. The research findings show that the cities of this region have moved in the direction of divergence despite the presence of many convergence factors, and the formation of an international urban union in the region will play an effective role in increasing convergence and greater peace in the region.

Following the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 and the establishment of governments based on the people's votes, due to the long-standing religious and cultural ties between the peoples of Iran and Iraq, the ground for Iran's activism in the geopolitics of this country was provided. Iran's regional policy, while observing the principles of good neighborliness and non-interference, has taken a special and strategic view of these developments and has acted in an effort to secure national interests. In this regard, three patterns regarding Iran's activism in Iraq's geopolitics are proposed, which include the pattern of passive activism or non-participation, interactive activism, and activism based on soft power and economic links. Examining these three patterns and the advantages and disadvantages associated with each one, and analysis regarding which pattern will be more likely to provide Iran's national interests are the main topics of this article. Based on the results of this research, Iran can have a unique position in Iraq's geopolitics due to its relative advantages compared to other actors. Based on this, an effective regional policy to deepen the relations between Iran and Iraq, on the one hand, is focused on social relations that are rooted in culture, religion, language and common race, and on the other hand, it is focused on deepening economic relations and establishing mutual dependence. 

Since the beginning, Indonesia’s foreign policy has adhered to the “free-active” principle. Nevertheless, the facts demonstrate that during President Sukarno’s administration, Indonesia’s foreign policy was considered to be leaning left and close to communist countries. During the Suharto era, Indonesia, on the other hand, grew closer to the West, specifically the United States and its allies. The succession of post-Suharto leadership, from Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, and Megawati to Yudhoyono, major countries particularly the United States, continues to influence the pattern of Indonesia’s foreign policy. This pattern of foreign policy appears to have also had an effect on Indonesia’s defence posture and orientation. The question that should be addressed is: to what extent do great powers influence Indonesia’s defence policy during Jokowi administration? In the midst of various issues ranging from the maritime fulcrum, the sink the vessels’ policy, the issue of purchasing Russian-made fighter aircraft, the Sukhoi Su-35, and China’s Belt and Road initiative projects, have triggered reactions from neighbouring countries and major powers. Using a historical explanatory approach, this article argues that Indonesia’s defence strategy has been influenced by great powers since its foundation. Furthermore, despite Jokowi’s efforts to show that Indonesia is an independent and neutral country it remains under the influence of great powers.