گارینه کشیشیان سیرکی

Popper, by proposing the theory of falsifiability as a prerequisite for the scientific nature of theories and hypotheses and by rejecting inductive method as the conventional scientific methodology up to that time, presented a new criterion for distinguishing science from pseudo-science, which sparked much agreement and disagreement. Inspired by the Socratic dialectical method, he affirmed the un-certainty and conjectural nature of theories and beliefs, and by equating reason with criticism, he considered the only method of approaching truth to be through continuous dialogue while observing the principles of liberty, tolerance, and fallibility in a free environment guaranteed by the democrat-ic state he envisioned. The democracy Popper had in mind, contrary to the prevailing interpretation, did not mean rule by the people or rule by the majority but rather stemmed from critical rationality and its foundations such as falsifiability and fallibility, which had a negative rather than a positive character. Popper, through a negative interpretation of how democracy functioned in ancient Greece, particularly during the Periclean era, first regarded the age-old question of “Who should rule?” as fundamentally mistaken and defined the correct interpretation of democracy as the ability to remove or dismiss an undesirable government without bloodshed. He redefined the punishment of exile in ancient Greece as a method of preventing tyranny and despotism stemming from popular-ity, thereby presenting evidence of the negative and deterrent aspect of democracy. In this study, the researcher, based on a descriptive-analytical method, attempts to show the close relationship be-tween the theory of critical rationality and Popper’s theory of democracy based on the main ques-tion and hypothesis.

The Syrian civil war, which has been labeled as one of the most significant crises in the Middle East, has turned this region into a scene of cooperation and competition among regional and trans-regional powers. The geographical scope of the conflict, the occurrence of extremely severe violence, and the direct and indirect involvement of international actors in operational battlefields have made this crisis one of the unique examples in the last decade. The nature of international phenomena has shown that regional and major powers, in a multilateral framework, are seeking to stabilize the balance of power in the international environment alongside cooperation and competition. The crisis in Syria has shown signs of such relations between Russia and Iran since 2010. Now, the question that arises here, which this article aims to examine and find an answer to within the framework of realism theory, is: "What impact has the Syrian crisis had on increasing political cooperation between Iran and Russia during the years 2010-2017?" Based on this question, the proposed hypothesis is that "the relatively common perspective of Iran and Russia on regional and international developments, although with sometimes differing foundational goals, provided the groundwork for joint cooperation between the two countries in various dimensions, particularly in the political sphere, within the framework of supporting the established government in Syria."

Iran, one of the powerful players in West Asia, from the beginning of the crisis in Syria, al-ways tried to sensitively take a completely different position from other regional players in supporting the political system of Syria, as one of the important priorities in foreign policy, follow his military and security. Iran's positions in the Syrian crisis were based on the overlap of the national security interests of this country and the Syrian nation-state, because the vic-tory of fundamentalist Salafist groups in Syria could be the biggest security threat to the axis of resistance, Iran's national interests, and Shia geopolitics in the long run. The region should include Shamat and Iraq. These conditions also existed for Russia, which envisions its own interests in the region of West Asia and the Eastern Mediterranean. Due to its energy re-sources and geopolitical location, this region is considered an influential and unforgivable area for actors like Russia. By presenting ISIS as a security concern, Tehran and Moscow succeed-ed in limiting the American effort to have a serious presence in Syria through close coopera-tion in addition to eliminating the threat of ISIS. In this article, an attempt was made to an-swer this question by relying on the theory of realism, how the crisis in Syria has affected the relations between Iran and Russia between 2010 and 2017 by emphasizing military-security cooperation.

The Middle East and North Africa constitute one of the strategic and most significant regions in the world with a turbulent history. The region witnessed the birth of various countries and tense developments from the second decade of the 20th century until the middle of the century, and most of the countries in the region, including Arabic countries and Israel, emerged during the period. In this regard, the countries in the region have experienced conflicts, wars, invasions, and, sometimes, peace, in their relations with Israel. The latest development in this respect is the Saudi-led normalization of ties between some Arabic countries and Israel to oppose Iran and its axis of resistance. Though this has posed a number of threats to Iran’s national security, some opportunities are evident in it, as well. Thus, the main question of the present study is what opportunities the normalization of ties between Saudi Arabia and Israel can have for the empowerment of the axis of resistance. The study utilizes a descriptive and analytical methodology to answer the question, and the overall result of the study – i.e., the tested hypothesis – shows that opportunities like the creation of chasms between the government and society in Saudi Arabia, the pressure felt by Fatah and the need to reconcile with Hamas, Muslims’ reaction to the negation of the Palestinian Dream by Saudis, the creation of chasms between the government and society of Israel, and the gradual withdrawal of the U.S. from the region are all factors that can boost the axis of resistance based on the existence of groups who oppose the process of normalization across Saudi Arabia, Israel, and the Islamic world at large.

The fair distribution of facilities and the correct implementation of distributive justice in multi-ethnic so-cieties increases unity among different ethnicities and increases people's trust in the political system, and as a result, reduces inequalities and eliminates social gaps. The purpose of this research is to investigate the attitude of the Turkmen people towards distributive justice in Golestan province. The research meth-od is a survey, and information has been collected using a questionnaire. The statistical population of this research is all Turkmen people with at least diploma education, living in Golestan province. System-atic random sampling method and sample size based on Cochran's formula is 207 people. Statistical analysis was done using PLS software. The model extracted from examining the relationship between satisfaction with governance and the components of distributive justice showed that the path coeffi-cients between distributive justice in the political (0.371), economic (0.253) and cultural (0.154) dimen-sions show a positive and significant relationship with satisfaction with governance. However, no signifi-cant relationship was observed between social justice and satisfaction with governance despite the exist-ence of a positive relationship (0.110); Therefore, the results obtained from the research show that there is a significant relationship between distributive justice and satisfaction with governance, and Turkmen people believe that justice is not equally distributed among different ethnic groups in the society, which requires special attention in development planning.

Public policy-making is a six-stage cycle, and the implementation of policies is one of the most sensitive stages of its formulation, failure in this stage leads to the failure of the entire policy-making process. Also, policy-making includes an interactive process between setting goals and necessary actions to realize them, which may be disrupted by many challenges, obstacles, and limitations. In this research, the goal was Pathology of implementation of rural development policies in the fourth and fifth development plans. This research is applied in terms of its purpose and descriptive and survey based on the nature of the data. The results of the research are presented in two qualitative and quantitative sections. In the main and qualitative part of the research, using the Delphi technique, we investigated the damage of rural development in the fourth and fifth programs. At first, using the opinions of experts, the gap between the existing state of rural development and the ideal state was determined, and based on the opinions of experts and the T-Tech test, it was determined that there is a fundamental difference between the current state and the ideal state. and in the current situation in the indicators of employment status, housing, medical and treatment facilities, digital infrastructure, transportation and communication route, industrial agriculture, welfare and recreation, cultural-educational, tourism and underground water the average quality was low. Therefore, the necessity of carrying out the pathology of the implementation of rural development policies became clearer. Then, based on the theoretical background of the research, as well as interviewing and completing the questionnaire by specialists and research elites, the indicators of developmental pathology were compiled, and finally, the final model of the questionnaire was compiled, and the quantitative results of the questionnaire were extracted based on the answers of the participants in the research. In the quantitative analysis and chi square test results, it was shown that the role of policy indicators, juridical and legal obstacles, political, social and economic factors, motivations and attitudes of executives, administrative system and bureaucracy, are insufficient and inappropriate. The lack of tools is significant in the absence of rural development.

The idea of populism or Narodniki in Russia has received less attention in Iran because it has been placed in the shadow of Russian communist leftist ideas. Conceptually, this idea is far beyond populism and Russian communism, and has had wide-ranging effects both in Russia and outside of this country. How this thought has been able to be so in-fluential is the main issue in this article that the authors have tried to analyze with the aim of investigating its roots, dimensions and consequences. In fact, the main question is how populist thought appeared in Russia and why did it become an effective and wide-spread trend? The hypothesis of this article is that the idea of populism emerged as a reaction to the neglect of the role of the people in the political life of Russia in the sec-ond half of the 19th century, and because of its acceptance by intellectuals and based on a combination of three British constitutional and democratic views. French socialism and Russian nativism were spread. To investigate this hypothesis, we have used the ana-lytical-descriptive method of political thoughts from the perspective of Thomas Spra-gens and in a qualitative format. The finding of this article is that social issues have aris-en and the intellectual responses of thinkers, despite their own timeliness, have been re-produced in a way for centuries and are still useful and very important for understanding the social and political conditions of the periods after that.

Virtual space and the associated social networks, like many other emerging phenomena, have both positive and negative consequences in various aspects of life. The undeniable impact of this space is particularly significant in the national security of countries, as it can create numerous opportunities for national security along with the changes and developments it brings about. This research aims to identify the opportunities that social networks create for the infrastructure of national security. Data were collected through grounded theory and in-depth interviews with 16 experts in the fields of politics and virtual space. The data were analyzed using open, axial, and selective coding methods, employing the Strauss and Corbin approach. The research results indicate that virtual social networks can provide unique opportunities for national security by strengthening the infrastructures of social, political, cultural, economic, and environmental security. The research results are presented in the form of a paradigm model of opportunities.

Historical analyzes show the fact that in the process of the constitutional liberation and justice movement, a fundamental and key role has been played by the militant scholars. In such a way that they, with their spiritual and spiritual influence, were able to create an uprising against the authoritarian rulers, which later led to fundamental changes and the Islamic awakening in the structure of the political and social system; In the meantime, the ideas of Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri and Allameh Naeini have had an impact on the Islamic Awakening, and this effect has taken place in the constitutional movement in the form of systematizing constitutionalism alongside the Justice House (Edalat Khaneh) movement. This historical course, especially from the last century until today and from today to the horizon of the new Islamic civilization, shows the evolutionary and transcendent course in the movement of Islamic awakening. This article, with the concepts of Islamic awakening, on the one hand, witnesses the elitist ideology and the bipolar theory of government by Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri to fulfill the rules of Sharia; On the other hand, Allama Naini for the first time combined the right of popular sovereignty with the rule of the jurists in the context of religion.