Razavi Heritage

The history of waqf (endowment) in the Islamic world dates back to old times, and this noble tradition has had a significant impact on Islamic society from its inception. One of the most successful examples of the longevity and effectiveness of waqf institutions in both the Islamic world and globally is Astan-i Quds Razavi. This endowment institution, dedicated to Imam Reza (PBUH), boasts a long-standing historical presence in Iran and, throughout its flourishing existence, has exerted considerable political, social, and economic influence. This article begins with a brief definition of waqf and then examines the establishment of the waqf system within Astan-i Quds Razavi. It traces the institution’s expansion and development over various historical periods, highlighting significant events and milestones. Finally, the study addresses the major impacts this endowment institution has had throughout its history. The research findings reveal that cultural endowments in Astan-i Quds Razavi began with the donation of Qurʾanic manuscripts in the early centuries. From the tenth century onward, with the official establishment of Shiʿism in Iran and the growing significance of Mashhad as the spiritual capital of the Safavids, Astan-i Quds entered a phase of expansion and prosperity as an endowment institution. Its continued development was ensured by the direct administration of the highest ruling authorities throughout different historical periods, as well as the persistent devotion of Imam Reza’s (PBUH) followers across centuries.

Human beings are meaning-generators, and their pursuit of meaning manifests through interpreting “signs.” Architectural elements can be perceived as signs capable of conveying valuable and significant messages. The more precise the semiotic interpretation of architectural elements, the deeper the understanding of their meaning. Since entry into any space necessitates passing through its door, the door functions as a connector between different realms, as an intermediary between a given place’s exterior and interior. Given the unique architectural significance of doors at entrances of Islamic pilgrimage shrines, they can be interpreted as meaningful signs. “Being at the shrine” can be understood as a form of human presence, which is materialized at entrances of Islamic pilgrimage shrines, particularly through the focal point of the door. The door marks the beginning of a transition into a sacred space, and numerous rituals are associated with this entry point. These rituals emphasize the commencement of the rites of entrance and initiation into a holy site. This study applies semiotic analysis based on Peirce’s model to examine the architectural element of the door as a meaningful sign. It seeks to answer the following questions: How can the physical characteristics of an entrance be interpreted both as a response to functional necessity and as a meaning-generating sign in the forms of index (namāya), symbol (namād), and icon (shamāyil)? Additionally, what concepts are semantically aligned with the door concerning the entrances of Islamic pilgrimage shrines? The research is based on a library study for data collection and employs a descriptive-analytical method to interpret the semiotics of doors. The findings indicate that the architectural element of the door, beyond its functional essence, encapsulates profound meanings. Semiotics offers a powerful tool for enhancing this architectural element’s understanding and deep analysis, allowing for a more precise interpretation. The primary function of the door as a sign is to establish a communicative space between the exterior and the interior. The door facilitates guidance and invitation into the sacred environment by dividing the spatial domain into inside and outside. Moreover, the first rites of initiation and presence commence here—placing the hand on the chest, expressing reverence, offering salutations, and seeking permission to enter. Therefore, the door is the gateway to the realm of presence and encounter. In the entrance of Islamic pilgrimage shrines, the door can be interpreted as a symbolic manifestation of the Divine Name al-Hādī (the Guide), the Imam’s guidance, the Perfect Man’s station, and the mediator of Divine Grace

Due to the long-standing nature of the discourse surrounding it, the definition of justice has evolved within a wide range of theories that attempt to define it. Each theory in the intellectual history of humankind that has sought to define justice has done so based on its foundational commitments. Consequently, the definition of justice is intrinsically linked to the theoretical framework from which it emerges. This article seeks to review several liberal theories of justice—particularly those of Hume, Kant, and Adam Smith—and to demonstrate that, despite their internal variations, these theories are characterized by a secular orientation. The central question this article addresses is whether Imām Riḍā's (PBUH) teachings offer any response to the secular foundations underpinning these theories. In the findings section, drawing on the dialogue between ʿAllāma Ṭabāṭabāʾī and Henry Corbin, the paper argues that secularism, by emphasizing anthropomorphic theology (tashbīh) and rejecting transcendent theology (tanzīh) along with the metaphysical dimension of divinity, has enabled the secular and worldly interpretation of various dimensions of human life—including justice. In the final section and conclusion, the focus turns to the link between Imamate and justice, highlighting the potential of the Razavi hadiths to critique secular theories of justice.

As I delve into Imām Riḍā’s civilizational thought, exploring the concept of justice and its implications, I find myself drawn to the parallels between his teachings and those of Jesus Christ. Imām Riḍā’s legacy of justice for everyone and injustice for no one resonates deeply with the core teachings of Christianity, particularly as embodied in the life and ministry of Jesus Christ. Both figures exemplify a profound commitment to mercy, compassion, and the pursuit of righteousness. One striking aspect of Imām Riḍā’s teachings is his emphasis on mercy for all believers, a principle that finds resonance in Jesus’ teachings on love and forgiveness. The example set by Imām Riḍā in praying for the prosperity of all believers reflects Jesus’ call to love one another and to pray even for our enemies. Moreover, Imām Riḍā’s respect for all individuals, regardless of their social status or background, mirrors Jesus’ interactions with people from all walks of life. Both figures demonstrate a deep reverence for the inherent dignity of every human being, challenging us to overcome prejudice and embrace the inherent worth of all individuals. The theme of caring for the needy is another point of convergence between Imām Riḍā and Jesus. Imām Riḍā’s choice to stay with the destitute during his travels and Jesus’ teachings on caring for the poor highlight the shared imperative to uplift the marginalized and alleviate suffering in our communities. Furthermore, both Imām Riḍā and Jesus exemplify affability toward others, emphasizing the importance of kindness, humility, and compassion in our interactions with one another. Their teachings remind us of the transformative power of love and the profound impact of acts of kindness on individuals and communities. Imām Riḍā’s emphasis on forgiving the faults of others echoes Jesus’ teachings on forgiveness and reconciliation. Both figures challenge us to overcome resentment and bitterness, extending grace and mercy to those who have wronged us. Additionally, Imām Riḍā and Jesus share a commitment to humane treatment of all people, regardless of their faith or ethnicity. Their teachings emphasize the importance of respecting human rights and promoting justice and equality for all members of society. Imām Riḍā’s civilizational thought offers valuable insights into the shared values that unite humanity across religious divides. As Christians and Muslims, we have much to learn from one another’s traditions, and through dialogue and cooperation, we can work together to build a more just, compassionate, and inclusive world.

Social justice in the modern state is among those concepts whose essence and implementation are difficult to trace historically, particularly in Islamic history and the conduct (sīra) of the Infallibles. Understanding concepts such as the state, democracy, and social justice from religious foundations is itself a formidable task. The challenge becomes even greater when this complex notion of social justice is further subdivided into more specific domains, such as cultural justice, and examined through the lens of the conduct. This study aims to analyze Imam al-Riḍā’s activism in promoting cultural justice through a descriptive-analytical method. His engagement appears to be explicable across three main areas. First, the debate between agency and structure within justice studies can be specifically traced in Imam al-Riḍā’s conduct. Notably, he not only advanced justice through individual actions but also created structural opportunities, having directly entered existing structures. Second, cultural diversity—recognized as a pillar of cultural justice—is evident in his practice. Third, in the tension between teleology and deontology within cultural justice, teleology holds a distinguished position in Imam al-Riḍā’s conduct. This article elucidates these three dimensions.

In this article I draw attention to a little-studied phenomenon in the study of pilgrimage and sacred sites: how famed pilgrimage locations and routes may be replicated on a smaller scale in other locations. The article focuses mainly on Japanese pilgrimages, using primarily the example of the 1300-kilometre-long Shikoku pilgrimage, and shows how local small-scale versions of this pilgrimage developed historically throughout Japan from the seventeenth century onwards and were also taken abroad by Japanese migrants. A key factor in the development of these localised versions of the pilgrimage was that, for most people in earlier times, long distance pilgrimages were difficult if not impossible. Yet there was a widespread sense that such pilgrimages and the sacred figures associated with them were universal in nature and should be available to all. As such, localised replications on a smaller scale were developed so that those unable to go to sacred sites and make long journeys to distant famed pilgrimage sites, could have access in their own localities. While outlining key factors behind such developments in Japanese contexts the article shows that this is not something only evident in Japan; it is a phenomenon found globally and across numerous religious traditions and geographic settings. Examples are provided of similar developments in Catholic, Hindu and Buddhist contexts globally. In outlining some of the underlying implications of this phenomenon, of pilgrimages and sacred sites being replicated in localised versions, the article particularly highlights the issue of movement and mobility, a topic that has rightly been highlighted as an analytical theme in studies of pilgrimage. However, thus far, discussions of mobility and movement in pilgrimage contexts have focused on movement to and around sacred sites, and on the people—pilgrims—who do this. As the article argues, movement can also go the other way: of pilgrimages and sacred sites moving to where potential pilgrims are, and it flags up this issue along with the need for more research into replicated pilgrimages, as key areas of pilgrimage studies research.