مرتضی بحرانی

Addition to historical analyses, three different types of reading of the ideas of al-Farabi have been offered: First, the connection between his ideas and the Greek thought; second, the connection between his ideas and theology, and the relationship that can be established between philosophy and religiousness; and third, the explication of al-Farabi’s ideas on the basis of the crisis (-es) he faced. In the present article the relationship between al-Farabi’s philosophy and Greece, Islam and the social crisis of the time are elaborated on.

Al-Farabi has discussed language in his philosophical discussions, albeit here and there. His discussions are especially about syntax and logic. Most existing studies have dealt only with the connection between this syntax and logic, and with the conventionality or naturalness of language in al-Farabi’s thought. The question of this article is what are the political implications of al-Farabi's discussions on language? The results of the study, based on the method of content analysis of al-Farabi’s works, indicate that Farabi specifically related the logic and logical crafts to his political thought; In such a way he expects the realization of the virtuous city on the basis of demonstration (Alborhan); And explains the existence of non-virtuous cities with crafts such as rhetoric, dialectic, poetry and sophistry. In other words, it is the expression which forms the city. These findings help us to analyze al-Farabi's thought in our own time and ask ourselves what does al-Farabi's thought has for us? By trying to come closer to the answer of this question I conclude the article with this claim that al-Farabi's idea of non-virtuous cities is relevant to us today. What remains is our retainment.

The public sphere is one of the most important explanatory and normative concepts in the field of political sociology. Addressing the public sphere is especially important because it can explain the transition from the traditional to the modern. In particular, the fundamental question here is whether it is possible to arrive at a normative understanding of the situation in Iran by addressing and analyzing the public sphere, as Habermas has described it. Our problem is a general and at the same time specific problem. There are two central concepts in Jürgen Habermas's theory of structural transformation in the general sphere. One is literary-artistic speech and the other is political-moral speech. According to Habermas, the public sphere was first formed around literary and artistic debates, and then into political and moral discourse. From then on, the public sphere became practically a focal point for criticizing the political situation; To the extent that the public sphere became a free space and the concept of public opinion was born from it. In this article, while briefly explaining the two aforementioned areas, an attempt is made to propose a third area that describes our descriptive and normative understanding of the transition to the modern situation. This third field can be called a scientific field.

The concept of Tadbir-e-Manzil (household management) is a concept in history of political thought in Islam. It refers to management of household and the way family members participate in carrying out and regulating the affairs of Manzil (household). With the aim of achieving a new un-derstanding of Tadbir-e-Manzil and its formation and evolution in its semantic domain, this article’s question is a question about the origin and the nature of its concept, its semantic evolution, and its sociopolitical implications within the framework of its conceptual history and in the period of trans-lation movement. The period during which the process of translation causes an environment of cul-tural exchange that introduces a possibility of semantic comparison of concepts in relation to their sociopolitical realities. Studies show that Tadbir-e-Manzil in its conceptual origin and in its socio-political reality in ancient Greece as Oikonomia, has been a support to the concept of Greek citizen-ship, in relation to its ethics and economic production status. And then in the course of its semantic transition and change to the realm of the Islamic Iranian civilization, it has been selected and ap-plied as Tadbir-e-Manzil by Moslem scholars in relation to Islamic sociopolitical realities as well as Islamic acting space of translation movement. In fact, the main issue is that Tadbir-e-Manzil, in an obvious difference with ancient Greek Oikonomia, has been used in accordance with Islamic politi-cal reality based on individual Islamic morality and political obedience. Tadbir-e-Manzil presents Islamic innate and sublime tendencies in achieving prosperity. It also gives continuity to the acting of political reality based on Divansalary as a system managing house and household.