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This article will explain how and why does Dickens use home as a symbol in his novels. The concept of home is a constant preoccupation in Dickens’s novels. The ideal house is an implicit criticism of the general condition within the total system. The home becomes a microcosm of an ideal society, with love and charity replacing the commerce and capitalism of the outside world. Home is a haven, a sanctuary, and an answer to the ills of the world. It is a protected place not only from dishonest values of the system but from alienating effects of the division of labor. The appropriate method that speaks clearly to this paper’s question is Kenneth Burke’s Cluster analysis. Burke defines cluster analysis as a critical approach to help a critic find rhetors’ worldviews through an examination of the rhetoric that forms their terministic screens. The task of a critic using this method is to notice what subjects cluster about other subjects. This paper argues that through Dickens’s novels, readers come to comprehend the virtues of love and the pleasures of home in an imperfect world. In his lexicon, the patriot is the thankful partaker in history who fights persistently to defend the beauty of his home.

The concept of lifes tyle was initially used in psychology and sociology, but its features gradually gained entry into other fields of s tudy, including housing. Various s tudies have been conducted on applying housing lifes tyle in Iran, as in other countries. In this s tudy, the s tructure and contents of lifes tyle research in the field of housing have been compared to Iranian research. To achieve this goal, 45 English and 13 Persian articles were thoroughly s tudied by the sys tematic review method. The CASP checklis t was used for validity and quality control. The results of this analysis show that there are different views on the methodological approaches so it is sugges ted to use mixed methods. Housing lifes tyle s tudies can be divided into four types of micro and macro scale design, residential preferences, energy consumption in the building, and the meaning of housing. Research on the international scale in the field of meaning and energy consumption is less than design and residential preferences. This is more evident in Iranian s tudies and should be further s tudied in the field of housing planning, residential preferences, and building energy. The number of lifes tyle factors in international s tudies is broader than in Iranian s tudies. However, there is a gap in the field of subjective lifes tyle and its psychological issues.

Attachment to a place is a positive emotional relation between a person and a place that leads to the significance of a place for the people staying there. Several studies have been presented about the sense of attachment to one or more locations around the world that each of them has evaluated the subject from a specific view and has achieved different results. This research tries to assess the relationship between intensity of attachment to a place and scale of the place with a new look at this issue. Accordingly, the factors influencing the attachment on the place have been exامینed in three dimensions of "physical", "socio-demographic" and "emotional". Physical factors have been divided into three scales of house, neighborhood and urban. Social-demographic factors have been generalized to variables such as age, gender, level of education, etc. Emotional factors have been extracted from 21 indices of the literature related to the concepts of place and attachment to a place. In this research, 12 emotional cases were evaluated for each of three interest place scales for people with different demographic characteristics in Shiraz. Studies were conducted through questionnaires at different neighborhoods with randomly selected citizens and the results were presented as a descriptive and analytical report. These results indicate that the feeling of attachment to the city scale is at the highest level, and then is a home, and finally is the attachment to the neighborhood scale.

The present paper analyzes the conceptualization of contemporary forms of identity construction within the interrelation of diaspora, ethnicity, belonging, transnationality, translocationality, and interculturality. It casts critical light on the complex subjectivity by introducing the concept of translocational positionality addressed by intersectionality theory. Intersectionality is presented as an analytical tool which sets a far more integrated analysis of diaspora, the shifting devaluation of racialized, sexualized, classed, and gendered lives and factors which shape social locationality. Thereby, Floya Anthias' concept of translocational positionality is used to address the complex and intersectional frame of social locationalities of in-transit Arab women and to unravel issues pertain to identity in terms of the status of in-transit Arab women and their unstable positionality on America. Identifying and scrutinizing the complex process of self-inscription in Randa Jarrar and Laila Halaby's narratives: A Map of Home (2008) and West of Jordan (2003), the study revealed that when the sense of non-belonging to place conceived as home occurs, liberating vision for change, fluid positionality and transformation perceptibly emerge. The research concludes locations are particularly fluid and henceforth positionality, home and belonging are necessarily defined in relation to time, context and space and so susceptible to shifts, transformations and contradictions.

In this unorthodox autoethnographic study, we present a dialog between us - two transnational scholars. Throughout the manuscript, we explore several issues, which instantaneously came out during our unstructured, simultaneous, and casual conversations. We first discuss how our dichotomous relationships based on respect as an advisee and an advisor; a mentee and a mentor; and a student and a teacher have transformed into a sincerity-based friendship over time owing to our shared interest in autoethnography. We then move on to a discussion of our beliefs/thoughts/emotions about “home” in accordance with our lived experiences as transnational scholars. We scrutinize how inhabiting, knowing about, and becoming in academia complicated our understanding of where, or more importantly, what “home” means for us. Afterwards, we talk about the affordances and challenges of autoethnographic discourse agreeing that it requires us to practice vulnerability in order for us and our readers to benefit from the therapeutic effect of autoethnography. Throughout the manuscript, we also discuss how using both singular and plural first-person voice provide us with the opportunity to maintain our individual voices in an interpersonal and collaborative relationship while achieving a multivocal tone. We hope that our discussion extends with our readers’ critique of, negotiation with, participation in, and/or resistance to our beliefs/thoughts/emotions as stated in our conversation.