۱.
Pathologizing national security policymaking in the Islamic Republic of Iran requires the adoption of a model derived from a scientific theory with multifaceted dimensions. This approach facilitates the identification of potential pathologies and prevents oversight. Through this method, policymakers in this domain can achieve greater success in recognizing possible pathologies, addressing existing deficiencies, and providing appropriate strategies. This article has been written with the aim of pathologizing through the theoretical model of national security policymaking in the Islamic Republic of Iran based on societal security. The research process is grounded in a system of questions, structured in the form of a main question and sub-questions, and employs the “correlational interpretive method based on a descriptive matrix,” which is aligned with the type of research and its requirements. After examining the background and literature on the subject and presenting selected theories, using the proposed theoretical model, weaknesses and potential pathologies in the national security policymaking of the Islamic Republic of Iran within the framework of the societal security theory have been identified.
۲.
The social contract theory, as one of the important foundations of modern political philosophy, is based on the will and consent of humans in establishing political power. In contrast, the political thought of Imam Khomeini seeks the origin of legitimacy in the divine will. This study, with an interpretive approach and based on Skinner's hermeneutics, deals with the historical description of the development of the social contract theory and the context and time of the formation of the political thought of the Imam Khomeini in order to answer the question of how the components of the social contract are formulated in the political thought of the Imam Khomeini. The aim of the study is to clarify what kind of connection can be established between the thought of Imam Khomeini and the social contract theory. The findings of the study show that although at the functional level, concepts such as law, majority vote, and accountability in the thought of the Imam Khomeini play a role similar to the concepts of the social contract in the political organization of modern societies, at the basic and ultimate levels, it presents a new formulation of the social contract that is defined in conjunction with the divine covenant.
۳.
This research conducts a comparative study of the foundations of legitimacy and the nature of the state in the political thought of Ayatollah Seyyed Mohammad Baqir al-Sadr, focusing on his key works such as al-Islam Yaqud al-Hayah (Islam Guides Life). It contrasts his thought with the teleological political philosophy of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel—who views the state as the manifestation of "Absolute Spirit"—and the deconstructive genealogy of Michel Foucault, who understands the state as a mechanism of "Power/Knowledge." The main challenge addressed here is comparing Sadr's conception of appointive and divine legitimacy, which operates through "the Ummah's caliphate" and "the supervision of religious authority," with Hegel's rational and historical legitimacy. Additionally, the research examines Foucault's critical analysis of how religious and jurisprudential institutions such as the Zone of Silence are transformed into instruments of governmentality and biopolitics in the modern Islamic state. The findings reveal that Sadr's effort to reconcile popular acceptance with divine legitimacy i.e., the theory of "Atmosphere of Infallibility" faces fundamental challenges when confronted with Hegel's logic of rational despotism which claims itself to be the very truth and Foucault's instrumental logic which subordinates all knowledge to power.
۴.
The present article seeks to examine the dimensions and reflection of anti-rationalism in the opinions of various Salafi thinkers and movements, mainly anti-rationalists. It does not deny the existence of some Salafis who are not anti-rationalists but do not independently accept the authority of reason, but this article does not address them. The question of the article is: What is the place of anti-rationalism among thinkers of different periods of Salafi thought and what are the manifestations and consequences of anti-rationalism in the opinions and positions of Salafis? The method used in this research is documentary. The findings of the article show that Salafism, with its various approaches in the foundations and components of its thought and strategy, is opposed to reason and rationality. This characteristic, while denying the capacity for civilization and state-building in the face of modernity and even other rationalist religious movements, is unable to stand and is in conflict with the principles and foundations of authentic Islam, which has a great capacity for connection with reason and wisdom. The trajectory of anti-rationalism shows that to the extent that this line of thought increases its opposition to reason and emphasizes superficiality and stratification, it insists on a more jihadist and takfiri policy, and the extent to which the thinkers of this thought movement use othering, violence, and extremism is increasing.
۵.
nationalism as a school of thought was one of the most important and influential intellectual currents affecting the political and social sphere of Arab societies in the twentieth century. By influencing contemporary Arab political thought, this movement prompted a rethinking and reorganisation of the fundamental policies and orientations of certain Arab states, as well as the adoption of specific policies with defined objectives, the most important of which were Arab unity and liberation from colonialism. Nasser and Gaddafi, the leaders of Egypt and Libya, were among the most prominent leaders who embraced the ideology of Arab nationalism in the twentieth century and sought to operationalise it within the actual context of Arab society. In order to realise the goals of Arab nationalism, these two Arab leaders, while modifying their countries' domestic and foreign policies, provided the necessary grounds for its popular acceptance. Recognising the necessity and importance of examining the issue of Arab nationalism and the possibility of reviving this intellectual and political current in the future, the author has investigated its roots. In this regard, while elucidating the concept of Arab nationalism, the study examines its intellectual and political origins as well as the foundations and principles of this school of thought. Subsequently, adopting an analytical-comparative approach, the study examines and compares the experiences of the two Arab leaders who were standard-bearers of Arab nationalism in the twentieth century—namely Nasser and Gaddafi—and discusses the successes and failures of their nationalist policies.
۶.
Despite longstanding scholarly disagreements over whether the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) established a state in the full political sense, it is an undeniable historical fact that he assumed responsibility for the military, economic, and cultural-religious administration of Medina. By requiring the migration (Hijrah) of Muslims to the city, defining its territorial boundaries, and promulgating the Constitution (Covenant) of Medina, he effectively exercised political authority over its governance. This raises a fundamental question: to what extent can Medina al-Nabi be analytically compared with the four constitutive elements of the modern nation-state, as articulated in the post-Westphalian tradition and widely employed as the prevailing framework for identifying statehood in contemporary political theory? Employing a historical, analytical, and comparative methodology, this study argues that, notwithstanding the profound theological and normative differences between the political order of Medina and the secular principles embedded in the Westphalian settlement, as well as its substantial divergence from the essential components of the modern state—namely population, territory, government, and sovereignty—Medina al-Nabi succeeded in laying the foundations of a political order that possessed not only the capacity to transcend the tribal social structure and evolve into a city-state, but also the institutional potential to develop into a nation-state and, ultimately, an imperial political system.
