World Sociopolitical Studies

Trauma studies mainly focus on the psychological mechanisms of trauma and the various ways witnesses and victims represent it. But recent approaches in the field emphasize that despite doubts about the accuracy of traumatic memories, trauma narratives could point to the socio-political issues involved because they reflect the dominant societal discourses, and connect the text to history and ideology. As such, literary narratives can potentially depict traumatic events as non-political experiences, obscure their connections to power dynamics, and “depoliticize” these events. As a result, power structures are validated, and challenges to the root causes and consequences of trauma are prevented. To identify the patterns and possibilities of depoliticization in war narratives, this article examines four nationally acclaimed literary works about the Korean and Vietnam wars, written by American veterans. Employing a combination of theoretical frameworks from trauma studies alongside Norman Fairclough and Ruth Wodak’s models in critical discourse analysis, the research identified and categorized instances of depoliticization to show how they reflect or conceal broader historical and sociopolitical contexts. The results reveal that although these narratives appear to be anti-war, they conform to the dominant discourses of their time by downplaying, manipulating, or omitting political references—i.e., through depoliticization of the narrative. Given that depoliticized trauma narratives can diminish or obscure political responsibility, this study opens up extensive prospects for deeper examination of the relationship between the representation of trauma and political power. Ultimately, the findings emphasize the importance of a critical approach to analyzing trauma narratives and war literature.

Iran valued and positioned France and its culture inside a conceptual image of its own civilization prior to the Islamic Revolution. Even if France lags behind Iran in solid political connections and contacts, its cultural richness, led to the highest degree of presence in Iranian society and among its intellectuals in the cultural sphere. Such a link was susceptible to a social and political upheaval in Iran, following the country's revolution. This study employs unstructured interviews to examine a representative sample of 19 political, cultural, and academic elites, comprising both pre-revolution Francophones and post-revolution executives, focussing on their perspectives and elite experiences within the historicalcultural context of bilateral relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and France. This research focuses on the question of how the Islamic Revolution and the subsequent establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran faced the continuity and persistence of this historical cultural trend and what relationship it established with it through a distinct process. 

Recently, the India-Pakistan conflict has escalated after the Pahalgam terrorist attack. The Indo-Pakistani conflict has been one of the longest running issues in International Politics since World War II. The two countries' nuclear weapon tests in May 1998, as a turning point, have had a profound effect on the conflict. Since then, two views have emerged on the impact of these weapons on the conflict. On the onehand, the followers of the optimistic view have emphasized the stabilizing nature of nuclear weapons, and on the other hand, those who are known for their pessimistic approach have spoken of the possibility of an escalation of the Indo-Pakistani conflict. The purpose of this article is to investigate the consequences, whether positive or negative, of possessing nuclear weapons on India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict; more precisely, the article focuses on answering the following question: What role have nuclear weapons played in de-escalating the India-Pakistan conflict? An investigation of the events of the last 27 years in India-Pakistan relations, especially its critical points, reveals that nuclear weapons have had an impact on the New Delhi-Islamabad conflict by deterrence and compellence. Adopting a moderate approach (between optimists and pessimists), an attempt has been made to examine the de-escalation of tensions between India and Pakistan over the past 27 years in the shadow of nuclear weapons.

Since the victory of the Islamic Revolution, sanctions have consistently been a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy against Iran. Beyond their direct impact on bilateral tensions between the two nations, U.S. secondary or extraterritorial sanctions have also significantly influenced Iran's relations with other global actors, particularly the European Union (EU). The conclusion of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) generated optimism regarding the end of sanctions against Iran. However, with the advent of the Trump administration and its unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA in 2018, the United States’ extraterritorial sanctions against Iran were reinstated, dispelling the optimism that had emerged. The US and the EU are major economic and strategic partners. Given this reality, the critical question arises: How has the resurgence of U.S. sanctions, with their extraterritorial dimensions, affected Iran-EU relations? This paper hypothesizes that the resumption and intensification of extraterritorial sanctions have negatively impacted the economic and political aspects of Iran-EU relations. On the one hand, these sanctions have reduced bilateral relations to their lowest possible level; on the other, they have constrained diplomatic channels for resolving issues. To examine this hypothesis, the analysis employs Trump’s Maximum Pressure policy and its theoretical underpinnings as its conceptual framework. The method of research is based on impact analysis. Findings indicate that while sanctions have profoundly impacted Iran-EU relations, they have failed to achieve their ultimate objective of altering behavior. A key outcome of these sanctions has been the sidelining of Europe in Iran’s foreign policy sphere.

The importance of energy transmission pipelines, particularly for natural gas, is widely recognized due to the global dependence on energy. For landlocked Central Asian countries, natural gas pipelines play a crucial role in sustaining their energy-driven economies. Given its geographical constraints, Turkmenistan places significant emphasis on projects like the Trans-Caspian Pipeline. This pipeline, if implemented, would enable Turkmenistan to export natural gas to Azerbaijan, potentially bringing substantial changes to the region’s energy landscape. This article adopts a qualitative research method and employs the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen School. The central research question is: What are the key drivers and obstacles to the implementation of the Trans-Caspian Pipeline in the coming years? The research hypothesis suggests that factors such as the finalization of the convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea, Turkmenistan’s energy security concerns, the resolution of disputed energy fields between Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, and the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war serve as major driving forces. Conversely, environmental concerns, Turkmenistan’s economic and political situation, and opposition from Iran, Russia, and China are among the key obstacles hindering the project's realization.

Türkiye’s energy diplomacy suffered from political volatility and shifting priorities since World War II, but the AKP’s 2002 electoral victory marked a transformative shift. The research aims to answer the question of what has been the strategies of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in the field of energy diplomacy to solve the country’s energy challenges? Using a mixed-methods approach (qualitative case study and quantitative statistical analysis) to assess its energy diplomacy the purpose is to determine how energy diplomacy has evolved under AKP rule and its implications for Türkiye’s energy security and geopolitical influence. Findings reveal a three-tiered strategy: (1) diversifying energy sources, suppliers, and routes to reduce dependency; (2) expanding transit infrastructure to position Türkiye as a Eurasian energy hub; and (3) leveraging energy ties to enhance geopolitical influence. These measures stabilized supply, attracted investment, and elevated Türkiye’s strategic importance. By integrating domestic reforms with assertive diplomacy, the AKP transformed Türkiye into a key player in global energy politics, balancing economic needs with geopolitical ambitions.

The International Legal Theory: Foundations and Frontiers (Cambridge University Press, July 22, 449 pages) is the most recent co-edited volume investigating significant schools of thought within international legal theory. The book explores the fundamental assumptions, core concepts, analytical tools, and critical challenges associated with these theoretical approaches. In terms of the scholars and the subjects that it brings together, this collection is an outstanding contribution of legal theorists and practitioners who discuss the challenges and opportunities of competing theoretical foundations of contemporary international law. The comprehensive and well-argued content of this book make it an invaluable resource for academics and practitioners engaged in the training , teaching, practice, or reform of international law.