الهه نورغلامی زاده

Abolitionism emerged during the Enlightenment as a powerful movement aimedat ending slavery and the transatlantic slave trade in the eighteenth and nineteenthcenturies. It sought to expose the moral and economic contradictions of thesepractices through activism, literature, and social reform. This study analyzes twoabolitionist texts engaging Afro-Atlantic agency—Gertrudis Gómez deAvellaneda’s Sab and Elizabeth Barrett Browning’s The Runaway Slave atPilgrim’s Point—to explore how they articulate intersecting oppressions of race,gender, and colonialism. Utilizing Paul Gilroy’s Black Atlantic theory, whichviews the Atlantic as a space of cultural exchange and political solidarity shapedby shared histories of diaspora, this research employs thematic analysis toinvestigate key motifs such as resistance and empowerment, intellectual andpolitical leadership, transatlantic connections, intersectionality, revolution andemancipation, as well as narrative voice and representation. Both texts emphasizethe agency and inner lives of enslaved individuals while differing in theirnarrative forms and political expressions. Sab, a romantic novel, focuses onmoral introspection and feminist abolitionism within the context of Cubancolonial society. In contrast, Browning’s Victorian dramatic monologueembodies a spirit of defiance and direct political protest against Americanslavery. Despite their differences, both works offer a profound critique of racialand gender oppression while affirming a commitment to human dignity andtransatlantic solidarity. Nonetheless, their genres, tones, and strategies diverge:Avellaneda’s introspective and philosophical resistance contrasts withBrowning’s radical call for collective action. Additionally, Sab features acontemplative male narrator, while Browning presents a visceral female voice.Together, these texts illuminate the dynamic nature of Afro-Atlantic abolitionistliterature as a project that envisions freedom, justice, and collective emancipationacross temporal and geographic boundaries

Egypt is a strategic country for the United States. On the one hand, maintaining Egypt friendly to the West due to its geopolitical location and influence in Arab League, keeping Suez Canal open for economic and military interests, following the market development opportunities, and securing a settlement with Israel is among the reasons which make Egypt vital for U.S. policymakers on the other the Egyptian foreign policy pattern is based on geography, national interests, cold War setting and leaders of Egypt is mainly affected by U.S. policies. This study uses foreign aid political theory to discuss how the United States uses foreign aid to maintain its interests in Egypt despite the political instability caused by the Arab Spring. The archival research on USAID and U.S. foreign policy towards Egypt demonstratesthat after Nasser's presidency and since the late 1970s, the United States has provided significant military and economic assistance to Egypt to pursue its interests in the Middle East. Although Arab Spring and Egyptian uprisings in 2011 and the Egyptian military’s coup in 2013 made the Obama administration suspend temporarily some U.S. assistance to Egypt, after the re-establishment of aids, the steady rate of U.S. military assistance to Egypt hasn’t been changed. This issue shows that U.S. unceasing influence in Egyptian circles of power was saved by foreign aid and proves the permanence of U.S. strategic interests in the region. As a result, the U.S. utilizes these aids as an influential tool to control Egypt and to pursue its goals in the Middle Eastern countries, including Iran. Due to the close partnership with the United State and Israel, Egypt doesn’t have a stable relationship with the Islamic Republic of Iran.